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    <title>Japanese Law and the Asia-Pacific</title>
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   <id>tag:blogs.usyd.edu.au,2009:/japaneselaw//82</id>
    <link rel="service.post" type="application/atom+xml" href="http://blogs.usyd.edu.au/mt/mt-atom.cgi/weblog/blog_id=82" title="Japanese Law and the Asia-Pacific" />
    <updated>2009-11-19T12:36:43Z</updated>
    <subtitle>Japanese Law in Asia-Pacific Socio-Economic Context</subtitle>
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<entry>
    <title>Asia-Pacific Product Safety Regulation and Other Regional Architecture for a Post-FTA Era</title>
    <link rel="alternate" type="text/html" href="http://blogs.usyd.edu.au/japaneselaw/2009/11/asiapacific_product_safety_reg.html" />
    <link rel="service.edit" type="application/atom+xml" href="http://blogs.usyd.edu.au/mt/mt-atom.cgi/weblog/blog_id=82/entry_id=4394" title="Asia-Pacific Product Safety Regulation and Other Regional Architecture for a Post-FTA Era" />
    <id>tag:blogs.usyd.edu.au,2009:/japaneselaw//82.4394</id>
    
    <published>2009-11-18T23:37:05Z</published>
    <updated>2009-11-19T12:36:43Z</updated>
    
    <summary>Imagine an international regime with these institutional features: 1. Virtually free trade in goods and services, including a &quot;mutual recognition&quot; system whereby compliance with regulatory requirements in one jurisdiction (eg qualifications to practice law or requirements to offering securities to...</summary>
    <author>
        <name>Luke Nottage</name>
        <uri>www.law.usyd.edu.au/anjel</uri>
    </author>
            <category term="Asia-Pacific regional architecture" />
            <category term="Australia-Japan Free Trade Agreement" />
            <category term="Consumer law and policy" />
            <category term="Economics" />
            <category term="Product safety" />
            <category term="Public policy and politics" />
            <category term="Regulation" />
    
    <content type="html" xml:lang="en" xml:base="http://blogs.usyd.edu.au/japaneselaw/">
        <![CDATA[<p>Imagine an international regime with these institutional features:</p>

<p>1. Virtually free trade in goods and services, including a "mutual recognition" system whereby compliance with regulatory requirements in one jurisdiction (eg qualifications to practice law or requirements to offering securities to the public) basically means exemption from compliance with regulations in the other jurisdiction. And for sensitive areas, such as food safety, there is a trans-national regulator.</p>

<p>2. Virtually free movement of capital, underpinned by private sector and governmental initiatives.</p>

<p>3. Permanent residence available to nationals from the other jurisdiction (and strong pressure to maintain flexible rules about multiple nationality).</p>

<p>4. Treaties for regulatory cooperation, simple enforcement of judgments (a court ruling in one jurisdiction is treated virtually identically to a ruling of a local court), and to avoid double taxation (including a system for taxpayer-initiated arbitration among the member states).</p>

<p>5. Government commitment to harmonising business law more widely, eg now for consumer and competition law.</p>

<p>No, the answer is not the obvious one: I am NOT talking about the European Union (EU). I am referring to the Trans-Tasman framework built up between Australia and New Zealand, particularly over the last decade, sometimes through treaties (binding in international law) but sometimes in softer ways (eg parallel legislation in each country). And since both countries are actively pursuing bilateral and now some regional Free Trade Agreements (FTAs), especially in the Asia-Pacific region, can't at least some of these Trans-Tasman initiatives become a template for a broader "Asia Pacific Community"?</p>

<p>This question is particularly timely as the <a href="http://blogs.usyd.edu.au/japaneselaw/2009/09/the_new_dpj_government.html">new DPJ-led government in Japan</a>, has declared its support not only for the WTO system but also for FTAs, particularly in the Asian region. It also advocates improvements in  <a href="http://blogs.usyd.edu.au/japaneselaw/2009/09/lessons_for_australia.html">food and consumer product safety measures</a>. Whether or not Australia is considered part of Asia, either by Japan or itself, the two countries are continuing bilateral FTA negotiations in the context of growing involvement in regional arrangements in the Asia-Pacific region. Such developments constitute one theme at the NZ Centre for International Economic Law conference, “Trade Agreements: Where Do We Go From Here?”, over 22-23 October 2009 in Wellington. Below is an edited introduction to my four-part paper, extensively updated on 19 November and available in PDF <a href="http://blogs.usyd.edu.au/japaneselaw/VUWconferenceOct2009paper_LN07.pdf">here</a>). Powerpoint slides are also available in PDF <a href="http://www.law.usyd.edu.au/~luken/nottagevuwoct09.pdf">here</a>.</p>]]>
        <![CDATA[<p>More and more countries are entering into bilateral FTAs, including now throughout the Asia-Pacific region. This was not such a problem when the world economy was growing, but it and the multilateral WTO regime are now in crisis. Inefficient “trade diversion” is likely even if bilateral FTA partners begin to connect up under regional FTAs, as under the recent ASEAN-Australian-NZ Free Trade Agreement (<a href="http://www.dfat.gov.au/trade/fta/asean/aanzfta/">AANZFTA</a>). This is because greater liberalization already achieved between bilateral FTA partners tends to be preserved under such regional agreements.  And burgeoning <a href="http://www.eastasiaforum.org/2009/04/14/the-korea-australia-fta-obstacle-or-building-block/">FTAs diminish the incentives for national governments to press for a new multilateral system</a>. </p>

<p>Some therefore call for a “<a href="http://www.eastasiaforum.org/2009/04/15/the-crisis-and-reinventing-wto-negotiations/">crisis Round</a>” to try to revive the system, but that seems unlikely.  Another impediment is that the persuasiveness of <a href="http://blogs.usyd.edu.au/japaneselaw/2009/06/neoclassical_and_chicago_schoo.html">conventional economic models</a>, and market forces as the best way to maximize socio-economic growth, are under broader threat in the wake of the Global Financial Crisis (GFC) and now the meltdown in most real economies.  </p>

<p>One way forward is to concede that FTAs, already mostly sub-optimal from an narrow economic perspective, should include elements of “fair trade” – not just “free trade”. Indeed, many economists might agree that if politicians, government officials and an increasingly broad array of stakeholders are increasingly investing so much time and resources in negotiating various FTAs anyway, the additional marginal costs involved in agreeing on some further matters may be quite minimal. Those costs are likely to be outweighed by marginal benefits, in the form of reductions in <a href="http://www.lawlink.nsw.gov.au/lawlink/Supreme_Court/ll_sc.nsf/pages/SCO_spigelman020506">a variety of transaction costs</a> currently incurred in managing risks in cross-border trade and investment.  Legal practitioners do tend to be more aware of those costs and risks than governments and businesspeople. But anyway they also generally recognise many values other than those reflected in cost-benefit analysis, such as participation rights or maintaining the coherence and overall integrity of a regulatory system.</p>

<p>In striving to balance free and fair trade nowadays, a rough analogy would be the ways in which the European Union (EU) has evolved so it is no longer just an economic community. Despite – or perhaps because of – the steady expansion of EU membership, it has addressed concerns about democratic legitimacy and accountability, alongside its original core objectives of free movement in people, capital, goods and services.  The EU has achieved this over many decades, often by trial-and-error and in a variety of ways, ranging from core or additional treaties, diverse European law harmonization measures, through to “soft law” initiatives.</p>

<p>This analogy seems particularly timely for the Asia-Pacific region, for three main reasons. First, our region certainly remains diverse in terms of social and legal or political systems,  but economic integration has burgeoned since the 1980s and will intensify even further as <a href="http://blogs.usyd.edu.au/japaneselaw/2009/10/australia_and_japan_a_new_econ.html">pan-Asian production networks (strongly connected with Japan)</a> turn away from European and US markets in the wake of the GFC.  The “diversity gap” is narrowing significantly as the EU itself expands and becomes more diverse,  at least when compared to East Asia, Australia and New Zealand.</p>

<p>Secondly, there remains considerable interest in Australian Prime Minister Kevin Rudd’s for a new “Asia Pacific Community”. Proposed last year in rather inchoate form, including whether and how this new concept might include any EU-like institutional features, in December it will be discussed by <a href="http://www.theaustralian.news.com.au/story/0,,26059522-7583,00.html">regional leaders in Sydney</a> and probably then at the APEC meeting in Singapore.  Many remain <a href="http://www.asialink.unimelb.edu.au/__data/assets/pdf_file/0004/23872/Hesetine_essay7.pdf">skeptical</a>.  But Yukio Hatoyama also wrote shortly before Japan’s general election this year about the need now to <a href="http://www.eastasiaforum.org/2009/08/11/japan-the-djp-and-regional-financial-arrangements/">strengthen institutions in Asia</a>, ranging from financial system infrastructure to human rights institutions.  And his new government now appears to be pressing for some sort of <a href="http://www.eastasiaforum.org/2009/09/28/7199/">East Asian Community</a> (centred on Japan and China, initially without the US). </p>

<p>Thirdly, throughout the region, considerable distrust has re-emerged about leaving socio-economic ordering to outright market fundamentalism. Although some assert that market forces have long prevailed in Japan, for example, most agree instead that post-War Japanese capitalism has maintained distinctive norms (such as close business-government relations) and institutions (such as “main banks”) that help explain why even the far-reaching reforms to corporate governance since the 1990s still only amount to a <a href="http://ssrn.com/abstract=1121510">gradual transformation</a>.  Rudd has consistently protested about the excesses of market fundamentalism, although it remains to be seen whether for example how far this will translate into <a href="http://www.eastasiaforum.org/2009/07/28/pain-on-the-road-to-recovery-so-what-for-consumer-credit-law-reform-for-australia-and-beyond/">reforms to consumer protection legislation in Australia </a>– likely also to be followed in New Zealand.  Such views underpinned his electoral victory in 2007 (although a wind-back of labour market deregulation was a much higher profile issue), but also Hatoyama’s election victory this August. The new Japanese government appears likely to intensify measures to <a href="http://blogs.usyd.edu.au/japaneselaw/2009/09/lessons_for_australia.html">promote consumer rights and product safety</a>, while simultaneously promoting actively both the WTO system and bilateral or regional FTAs.  </p>

<p>What is likely therefore to emerge – or, at least, what we should now be encouraging – is deeper and broader economic integration in the Asia-Pacific (or at least Australasia) that simultaneously incorporates regulatory safeguards to meet the challenges and expectations of our brave new post-GFC world. These innovations may be built into FTAs or negotiated out alongside them, but it needs to be done in a more concerted and comprehensive manner. Part II below therefore explains various options for promoting “free but fair” movements of capital, people and services. Part III addresses free movement of consumer goods combined with better safety regulation: the WTO backdrop, the European approach, and some Asia-Pacific developments (especially Trans-Tasman). Part IV concludes that such initiatives to marry liberalisation with contemporary public interest concerns are essential to sustainable development in the Asia-Pacific region – and hence, potentially, to reinvigorating the multilateral order. </p>]]>
    </content>
</entry>
<entry>
    <title>Australia and Japan: A New Economic [and Legal!] Partnership in Asia</title>
    <link rel="alternate" type="text/html" href="http://blogs.usyd.edu.au/japaneselaw/2009/10/australia_and_japan_a_new_econ.html" />
    <link rel="service.edit" type="application/atom+xml" href="http://blogs.usyd.edu.au/mt/mt-atom.cgi/weblog/blog_id=82/entry_id=4405" title="Australia and Japan: A New Economic [and Legal!] Partnership in Asia" />
    <id>tag:blogs.usyd.edu.au,2009:/japaneselaw//82.4405</id>
    
    <published>2009-10-11T21:13:11Z</published>
    <updated>2009-10-11T21:44:42Z</updated>
    
    <summary>Emeritus Professor Peter Drysdale recently presented in Sydney a preview of his now-published consultancy report for Austrade, which urges (p3): “a paradigm shift in thinking about Australia’s relationship with the Japanese economy. The Japanese market is no longer confined to...</summary>
    <author>
        <name>Luke Nottage</name>
        <uri>www.law.usyd.edu.au/anjel</uri>
    </author>
            <category term="Asia-Pacific regional architecture" />
            <category term="Australia-Japan Free Trade Agreement" />
            <category term="Australia-Japan Relations" />
            <category term="Dispute resolution" />
            <category term="Japanese Law" />
    
    <content type="html" xml:lang="en" xml:base="http://blogs.usyd.edu.au/japaneselaw/">
        <![CDATA[<p>Emeritus Professor Peter Drysdale recently presented in Sydney a preview of his now-published <a href="http://www.eastasiaforum.org/2009/09/13/time-to-re-think-the-economic-partnership-with-japan-in-asia/">consultancy report for Austrade</a>, which urges (p3):</p>

<p>“a paradigm shift in thinking about Australia’s relationship with the Japanese economy. The Japanese market is no longer confined to Japan itself. It is a huge international market generated by the activities of Japanese business and investors, especially via production networks in Asia. It is a market enhanced by the economic cooperation programs of the Japanese government throughout the developing world, particularly in the Asian and Pacific region. And it is a market in which Japanese business now plays an increasingly important role from an Australian base in manufacturing, agriculture and services.”</p>

<p>The Australian Financial Review now confirms that Japan has led China and other Asian investors into Australia over the last year (“What Crisis? Asian Investors rush to our shores”, 24 September 2009). But many probably remain unaware of these facts highlighted by Drysdale’s report (pp 3-4): </p>

<p>“The stock of Japanese investment in Asia amounted to A$ 180 billion out of Japan’s global investment of A$ 772 billion at end-2008. The flow of export and import trade which Japanese business generates in Asia each year was US$ 690 billion in 2008. Procurements through Japanese corporate subsidiaries in Asia amount to A$ 1.2 trillion annually. In addition, Japan spent A$ 11 billion (901 billion yen) in Asia on Overseas Development Assistance programs and procurement through economic cooperation programs. Japanese business has now also established a platform for export to the region from Australia, with diversified investments across food, manufacturing as well as resources, that already delivers A$ 6 billion in Australian sales to Asian markets other than Japan. These are all large new elements in the economic relationship with Japan beyond the A$ 51 billion export trade and A$ 20 billion import trade that Australia already does each year with Japan itself.”</p>

<p>These pervasive economic ties are underpinned by very wide-ranging and stable relations between Australia and Japan at all sorts of levels: governmental, judicial, educational, working holidays, and so on. As pointed out in <a href="http://www.ajf.australia.or.jp/docs/20090625_AJF_Manuel_Panagiotopoulos_Business.pdf">another recent report “Australia and Japan: Beyond the Mainstream”</a>, by Manuel Panagiotopolous and Andrew Cornell for the Australia Japan Foundation, the GFC has led policy-makers as well as businesspeople to look again more favourably on relationships that combine lower risk with less return, compared to high risk/return ventures.</p>

<p>We can take advantage of these strong and still very profitable Australia-Japan bilateral relationships, as well as the investment and trading links each country (especially Japan) has developed in other parts of Asia particularly since the 1990s, by more actively joining Australian and Japanese partners for ventures throughout Asia. This spreads the risks typically associated with the possibility of higher returns, and also allows each partner to contribute goods or services in which that country has more of a comparative advantage. Thus, for example, Drysdale suggests (p25):</p>

<p>“partnership with Australian services firms in finance, legal services and engineering could be mutual productive. … In FTA talks with Japan the Rudd Government is trying to open the way for professional and financial services firms to set up in Japan, encouraging wider recognition of qualifications and the removal of barriers to obtaining licences in Japan”.</p>

<p>As an example of “legal and consultancy services”, Drysdale mentions that several Australian law firms have long experience in the Asian region, and gives the example of Mallesons Japan. But he concludes that “if we are serious about joining global supply chains and capturing service industry opportunities in Asia then Australian firms need to be there on the ground to capture the business”.</p>]]>
        <![CDATA[<p>Unfortunately, unlike the major US and European law firms, neither Mallesons Japan nor any other Australian law firm has yet taken sufficient advantage of the now fully-liberalised and growing market for international legal services in Tokyo (described in a <a href="http://blogs.usyd.edu.au/japaneselaw/2009/09/kawamura_connections_tokyo_law_1.html">recent lecture by IBA Vice-President and ANJeL Advisor, Mr Akira Kawamura</a>). A major opportunity opened up especially when full profit-sharing partnerships between Japanese and international lawyers were permitted from 2004, and many young Australian law graduates are now directly joining the Tokyo offices of US or UK law firms rather than going first through their head offices. If Australian law firms could also establish offices in Tokyo, they too would not only access burgeoning markets there, but also be better placed to pursue opportunities in other parts of Asia. For example, they could use their home client base to help link up Australian firms with firms in Japan interested in joint ventures in Asia. And the Tokyo office could liaise, for example, with an office say in Shanghai when its Australian client found itself dealing with a joint venture in China that in fact involves significant Japanese interests.</p>

<p>Educational services is another area where Australia has significant expertise as well as demonstrated export market potential, and this extends to legal education. For example, through the <a href="http://www.law.usyd.edu.au/anjel">Australian Network for Japanese Law</a> Sydney Law School partners primarily with Ritsumeikan Law School to offer <a href="http://www.kyoto-seminar.jp">intensive Kyoto and Tokyo Seminars comparing Japanese law</a>. These are offered not only to Australian and Japanese students, but also to students travelling from other parts of Asia (especially Hong Kong and Singapore). Through its 400-strong membership, ANJeL coordinates lecturers comprising professors and practitioners from Australia and all around Japan, not limited to those at or already known to Ritsumeikan. </p>

<p>As another recent example, the <a href="http://www.law.usyd.edu.au/caplus">Centre for Asian and Pacific Law at the University of Sydney</a> (CAPLUS) worked with our <a href="http://www.usyd.edu.au/riap/">Research Institute for the Asia Pacific</a> (RIAP) to bid for a United Nations “legal technical assistance” project to support a South-East Asian government interested in implementing judicial sector reform. The government was particularly interested in comparing Japan, China, Indonesia (for all three of which CAPLUS has particular expertise), Korea (where CAPLUS has close contacts) and Russia. Again in conjunction with ANJeL, we were able to bring in some Japanese partners to assist with the criminal justice aspects of the report on Japan. Those Japanese partners alone, again, would have been unlikely to have attempted such a project. Combining Australian with Japanese expertise therefore opens up another possibility for exporting legal education services to another part of Asia. </p>

<p>In sum, developments are already occurring in some law-related fields that illustrate Drysdale’s thesis very well. But there is certainly scope for doing much more, for example through more direct engagement with the legal services market in Tokyo on the part of Australia’s law firms. The key now is to think regionally (and globally), not just bilaterally.</p>]]>
    </content>
</entry>
<entry>
    <title>Legal Education and the Profession in Australia, Japan, and Beyond</title>
    <link rel="alternate" type="text/html" href="http://blogs.usyd.edu.au/japaneselaw/2009/10/legal_education.html" />
    <link rel="service.edit" type="application/atom+xml" href="http://blogs.usyd.edu.au/mt/mt-atom.cgi/weblog/blog_id=82/entry_id=4397" title="Legal Education and the Profession in Australia, Japan, and Beyond" />
    <id>tag:blogs.usyd.edu.au,2009:/japaneselaw//82.4397</id>
    
    <published>2009-10-07T00:41:05Z</published>
    <updated>2009-10-07T11:51:11Z</updated>
    
    <summary>Following on from my previous report on Mr Akira Kawamura&apos;s talk in Sydney about the significant transformations impacting on the legal profession in Japan, East Asia and world-wide, let us briefly consider also some inter-related changes to legal education in...</summary>
    <author>
        <name>Luke Nottage</name>
        <uri>www.law.usyd.edu.au/anjel</uri>
    </author>
            <category term="Japanese Law" />
            <category term="Public policy and politics" />
    
    <content type="html" xml:lang="en" xml:base="http://blogs.usyd.edu.au/japaneselaw/">
        <![CDATA[<p>Following on from my previous report on <a href="http://blogs.usyd.edu.au/japaneselaw/2009/09/kawamura_connections_tokyo_law_1.html">Mr Akira Kawamura's talk in Sydney about the significant transformations impacting on the legal profession in Japan</a>, East Asia and world-wide, let us briefly consider also some inter-related changes to legal education in our region. <a href="http://www.law.usyd.edu.au/anjel/content/anjel_people_prog.html">ANJeL Judges-in-Residence Program Convenor Stacey Steele</a> is co-editing, with Kathryn Taylor, "<a href="http://www.routledge.com/books/Legal-Education-in-Asia-isbn9780415494335">Legal Education in East Asia: Globalisation, Change and Contexts</a>" (forthcoming in December from Routledge: ISBN 978-0-415-49433-5) to commemorate the late Professor Mal Smith, who did so much for ANJeL, Australia-Japan relations, and legal education particularly in the Asia-Pacific region. ANJeL Co-director Kent Anderson and <a href="http://www.law.usyd.edu.au/anjel/content/anjel_people_prog.html">Competitions Program Convenor</a> Trevor Ryan have contributed a very useful chapter on "Gatekeepers: A Comparative Critique of Admission to the Legal Profession and Japan’s New Law Schools", which they and Stacey have kindly shared with me in manuscript form. </p>

<p>Hopefully without stealing too much of their thunder, I would like to extend it to locate especially Australian legal education. Below are my opening remarks for a co-authored National Report on Topic I.D "The Role of Practice in Legal Education" for the 18th <a href="http://www.iuscomparatum.org">International Congress of Comparative Law</a>, held four-yearly in different venues - this time from 25 July 2010 in Washington DC. Through the <a href="http://www.law.usyd.edu.au/scil">Sydney Centre for International Law</a>, Professor Cheryl Saunders,  Justice James Douglas and I have arranged for many other National Reporters on diverse topics selected for the Congress. We can also expect there many National Reports from Japan, although it remains to be seen whether anyone has volunteered one for the same Legal Education topic. There remains considerable <a href="http://ssrn.com/abstract=986529">uncertainty about Japan's new postgraduate "Law School" programs and their relationship to the National Legal Examination system</a>, as I explained in a paper first presented a conference organised by Stacey in Melbourne where the "gatekeeper" framework was first unveiled.</p>]]>
        <![CDATA[<p>Overall, but focusing especially on Japan, Kent Anderson and Trevor Ryan show how legal education and entry to the legal profession can usefully be analysed by comparing who acts as “gatekeeper” to the profession. One possible gatekeeper is the legal profession itself. Traditionally, in England, this comprises solicitors and barristers, who administer qualification examinations. This system has also been influential in former British colonies like Australia (Antons, 2001).</p>

<p>However, an alternative gatekeeper is the university system. Countries like Australia (and New Zealand) have moved mainly to this model since around the 1960s, by basically requiring all lawyers to have passed an LLB or similar (undergraduate or initial) law degree. (NSW is unusual in retaining an alternative, perhaps reflecting the strength of the profession vis-à-vis universities in that state. The Legal Profession Admission Board allows students instead to study for its exams, mostly in evening classes, preparing students for the Diploma in Law - treated as equivalent to an LLB for qualifying as a lawyer in NSW. This program is nominally affiliated with the University of Sydney, but instructors and course content are quite separate from its Law School: compare <a href="http://www.usyd.edu.au/lec/">www.usyd.edu.au/lec/</a> with <a href="http://www.law.usyd.edu.au">www.law.usyd.edu.au</a>.) It is true that throughout Australia there are now-short programs for Practical Legal Training (PLT) necessary in addition to an LLB for admission as lawyers, and these administered eg in NSW primarily by the “College of Law”, but some law schools sometimes administer those too (eg the University of Technology in Sydney). </p>

<p>Nonetheless, Australia also has affinities with a model centred on a third possible gatekeeper: the market (for law graduates). The US epitomizes this model because basically anyone can pass even the hardest state bar examination – but if only after multiple attempts or with poor results, that person will not be able to compete in the market and get a good job as a lawyer (especially if also a graduate from a less well-regarded law school or with poor university grades). Australia is similar because the proliferation of law schools particularly since the late 1980s allows basically everyone to get some form of LLB, and basically everyone can pass the short PLT programs if they can afford them. But if someone’s university grades are underwhelming, s/he will find it very difficult to actually practice as lawyers.</p>

<p>Australia also shows some influence from a model centred on a fourth gatekeeper: the state. This arises because the government funds universities, especially through limited numbers of Commonwealth Supported Places (CSP) for many students undertaking LLB degrees – whereby students pay lower fees to the law schools, and the government pays them a subsidy per student. Yet, as explained below, Australia has witnessed not only the emergence of a few private law schools since the late 1980s. There is also a growing tendency for public law schools to seek full-fee-paying LLB students (as well as international students, and LLM or other similar postgraduate students, who are always full-fee-paying – note however that an LLM or such qualification does not allow admission to the legal profession). Still, this situation remains very different from (more “civil law tradition”) countries like Germany or Japan (Abe & Nottage 2008), where the state – with more or less consultation with the legal profession – sets a national legal examination. (Usually the latter also opens up careers in the judiciary or procuracy, not just as lawyers, and often therefore it is accompanied by some post-exam training at state rather than private expense.)</p>

<p>Australia’s legacy of the legal profession itself as a gatekeeper is reflected not only in the NSW LPAB exams alternative to the LLB, but also more generally in the profession’s broad control over what must be taught in the LLB (the “Priestley 11”, named after a committee chaired by a then-Judge, described further below). Combined with a (possibly accelerating) shift towards the market as major gatekeeper to the profession, this generates strong pressures to make legal education “practice-oriented” even in universities. However, their law schools are increasingly integrated in wider academic communities, nationally and internationally, and the government also has interests in law students graduating with a broader perspective (as well as incentivising law schools in other ways by offering funding for research, not necessarily linked to teaching). The net effect since the 1970s, at least until recently, has been for law school education to become less practice-oriented and more interdisciplinary and theoretical – although less so, for example, compared to the top US law schools (see eg Coper 2007-8 and Nottage 2008, both containing further references). Whether this balance is optimal or sustainable is difficult to assess, but hopefully we can explore this in broader comparative and theoretical perspective in Washington DC in August 2010.</p>

<p>BIBLIOGRAPHY<br />
•	Abe, Masaki and Nottage, Luke (2006), 'Japanese Law' in ENCYCLOPEDIA OF COMPARATIVE LAW (J. Smit, ed, Edward Elgar, Cheltenham), updated at <a href="http://www.asianlii.org/jp/other/JPLRes/2008/1.html">http://www.asianlii.org/jp/other/JPLRes/2008/1.html</a> <br />
•	Anderson, Kent & Ryan, Trevor (2009), ‘Gatekeepers: A Comparative Critique of Admission to the Legal Profession and Japan’s New Law Schools’, in LEGAL EDUCATION IN EAST ASIA (S. Steele & K. Taylor, eds, Routledge, London, forthcoming)<br />
•	Antons, Christoph (2001), ‘Legal Education in Australia’ 22 Kansai U. Rev. L. & Pol. 71 [Scanned PDF may be available from Luke Nottage on request]<br />
•	Coper, Michael (2007-8), ‘Law Reform and Legal Education: Uniting Separate Worlds’ 39 U. Toledo L. Rev. 233<br />
•	Nottage, Luke R (2008), International Arbitration and Commercial Law Education for an International World, in THE RECEPTION AND TRANSMISSION OF CIVIL PROCEDURAL LAW IN THE GLOBAL SOCIETY (M. Deguchi & M. Storme, eds, Maklu, Antwerp/Apeldoorn, 2008), also CDAMS Discussion Paper No. 04/30E; Sydney Law School Research Paper No. 07/84 at SSRN: <a href="http://ssrn.com/abstract=838030">http://ssrn.com/abstract=838030</a> <br />
•	Sydney Law Review special issue 26(4), at <a href="http://www.law.usyd.edu.au/slr/docs_pdfs/editions/slr_v26_n4.pdf">http://www.law.usyd.edu.au/slr/docs_pdfs/editions/slr_v26_n4.pdf</a> </p>]]>
    </content>
</entry>
<entry>
    <title>Kawamura Connections: Tokyo Lawyers Go Global, All the Way With the IBA</title>
    <link rel="alternate" type="text/html" href="http://blogs.usyd.edu.au/japaneselaw/2009/09/kawamura_connections_tokyo_law_1.html" />
    <link rel="service.edit" type="application/atom+xml" href="http://blogs.usyd.edu.au/mt/mt-atom.cgi/weblog/blog_id=82/entry_id=4393" title="Kawamura Connections: Tokyo Lawyers Go Global, All the Way With the IBA" />
    <id>tag:blogs.usyd.edu.au,2009:/japaneselaw//82.4393</id>
    
    <published>2009-09-22T23:01:01Z</published>
    <updated>2009-09-23T02:48:49Z</updated>
    
    <summary>Mr Akira Kawamura is senior partner in Anderson Mori &amp; Tomotsune (AMT), one of Tokyo’s “big four” firms - each of which now has around 400-500 lawyers, compared to around 50 just a decade ago. He is also Vice-President of...</summary>
    <author>
        <name>Luke Nottage</name>
        <uri>www.law.usyd.edu.au/anjel</uri>
    </author>
            <category term="Asia-Pacific regional architecture" />
            <category term="Japanese Law" />
            <category term="Public policy and politics" />
    
    <content type="html" xml:lang="en" xml:base="http://blogs.usyd.edu.au/japaneselaw/">
        <![CDATA[<p><strong>Mr Akira Kawamura</strong> is senior partner in <a href="http://www.amt-law.com/en/">Anderson Mori & Tomotsune</a> (AMT), one of Tokyo’s “big four” firms - each of which now has around 400-500 lawyers, compared to around 50 just a decade ago. He is also Vice-President of the <a href="http://www.ibanet.org/Regional_Fora/Regional_Fora/Asia_Pacific_Forum/Default.aspx">International Bar Association</a> (IBA), a federation of law societies from 136 countries comprising over 20,000 members world-wide. Kawamura-sensei is also one of Sydney Law School’s distinguished alumni, obtaining an LLM here in 1979, and he is a founding Advisor to the <a href="http://www.law.usyd.edu.au/anjel/content/anjel_people_adb.html">Australian Network for Japanese Law</a> (ANJeL) as well as a generous donor for the ANJeL Akira Kawamura course prizes in Japanese Law. On 21 September he visited the new Law School building and spoke with staff and students about global legal practice, developments in Japan, and the work of the IBA.</p>

<p><a href="http://blogs.usyd.edu.au/japaneselaw/kawamura.jpg"><img alt="kawamura.jpg" src="http://blogs.usyd.edu.au/japaneselaw/kawamura-thumb.jpg" width="800" height="600" /></a></p>]]>
        <![CDATA[<p>The effects of the latest Japan’s justice system reform program have been uneven, but the last decade has certainly seen some dramatic changes in the Japanese markets for legal services. The numbers of bengoshi lawyers have risen from around 14,000 in the late 1990s to around 26,000 today. Foreign lawyers registered to advise (out of court) on the law(s) of their home jurisdiction(s) have grown from around 80 to around 320 today. Law firms in Tokyo (and Osaka) also continue to hire many other lawyers from abroad as “trainees”, generally for shorter periods. International law firms are now permitted full profit-sharing partnerships, with English, German and US firms now having a significant presence in Tokyo. This means a new competitive environment in the burgeoning field of cross-border legal advice, aimed at foreign firms increasingly accessing the Japanese market but also Japanese firms continuing a two-decade long push into foreign markets (especially in other parts of Asia). It is one factor behind the growth and specialization of Japanese firms like AMT. The other is growing demand for legal services in domestic transactions and dispute resolution, especially in corporate and commercial affairs.</p>

<p>Japan is therefore looking rather like the US, then the UK and for example Germany and Australia, when law firms also began to expand quite suddenly. European developments have been underpinned by European law, but the WTO regime and proliferating bilateral or regional FTAs (such as NAFTA) are also having a broader impact nowadays. A particularly striking phenomonon is the <a href="http://search.barnesandnoble.com/Raising-the-Bar/William-P-Alford/e/9780674014527">growth, professionalization and internationalization of the legal professions throughout most of Asia</a>.</p>

<p>Australian lawyers are particularly well placed to take advantage of what Professor Bruce Aronson calls this "<a href="http://ssrn.com/abstract=1008334">brave new world</a>". English is the main language of international business and legal work in this region, although facility in Asian languages provides a significant extra edge. Top Australian law schools equip graduates with a strong basis in the common law concepts and techniques that are widely used in cross-border legal work. Already, two thirds of non-Asian lawyers in international law firms in Asia are reportedly Australians. A new tendency is for recent graduates to begin work directly in Tokyo for international firms, rather than first spending a few years in their London or New York offices (although those offices, too, are still full of Australian lawyers!).</p>

<p>The IBA is the premier organization for this new generation of international lawyers. Founded in 1947 with membership from all the then members of the new United Nations, it has been called “the UN of Bar Associations and the Bar Association of the UN”. And as one of the world’s largest international NGOs, the IBA is well placed to add an independent voice and significant expertise to assist in legal developments world-wide. Projects are wide-ranging, including for example:<br />
•	criminal justice reform proposals (like <a href="http://blogs.usyd.edu.au/japaneselaw/2009/09/japans_new_quasijury_system_an_1.html">video-taping interrogations of suspected criminals</a>);<br />
•	training of Iraqi lawyers (which Kawamura-sensei also discussed separately with Professor David Kinley here, as our <a href="http://www.law.usyd.edu.au/scil/pdf/2007News2.pdf">Sydney Centre for International Law </a>has also been involved in a similar aid program);<br />
•	recommended rules and guidelines aimed at promoting efficient but fair procedures in international commercial arbitration; and<br />
•	research into the background and implications of the Global Financial Crisis.<br />
The IBA has several offices world-wide, and also a rapidly expanding Asia-Pacific Forum group. In particular, its headquarters in London hosts dozens of young lawyers as interns assisting with the Association's diverse activities. </p>

<p>Kawamura-sensei ended his lunchtime talk to students, co-hosted by <a href="http://www.suls.org.au/">SULS</a>, by encouraging them to consider seriously such internships (as well as <a href="http://www.law.usyd.edu.au/anjel/documents/Work_in_Japanese_Law_Firms.pdf">internships and other opportunities available in Tokyo</a>). He also urged students to join organisations like the IBA to "work for good" in the increasingly globalised environment for legal practice.</p>

<p>Postscript:</p>

<p>1. ANJeL and Sydney Law School, in partnership with Ritsumeikan Law School and several other organisations in Japan and the Asia-Pacific region, support the unique <a href="http://www.kyoto-seminar.jp">Kyoto and Tokyo Seminars in Japanese Law</a>. The next take place over 8-18 February 2010. Students interested in taking one or both for LLB or Masters credit should apply <a href="http://www.law.usyd.edu.au/caplus/kyoto_tokyo_program.shtml">here</a> by 9 October to maximise chances of being accepted, as numbers are capped.</p>

<p>2. ANJeL also fields "Team Australia" to compete in the <a href="http://www.law.usyd.edu.au/anjel/content/anjel_teaching_comp.html">Intercollegiate Negotiation and Arbitration Competition</a>, to be held next in Tokyo on 5-6 December. This is another wonderful learning opportunity building up the next generation of truly transnational lawyers, and <a href="mailto:ANJeLinfo@gmail.com">ANJeL welcomes expressions of interest or support </a>(financial or in-kind).</p>]]>
    </content>
</entry>
<entry>
    <title>Japan’s New Quasi-Jury System and Video-Taping of Interrogations</title>
    <link rel="alternate" type="text/html" href="http://blogs.usyd.edu.au/japaneselaw/2009/09/japans_new_quasijury_system_an_1.html" />
    <link rel="service.edit" type="application/atom+xml" href="http://blogs.usyd.edu.au/mt/mt-atom.cgi/weblog/blog_id=82/entry_id=4385" title="Japan’s New Quasi-Jury System and Video-Taping of Interrogations" />
    <id>tag:blogs.usyd.edu.au,2009:/japaneselaw//82.4385</id>
    
    <published>2009-09-16T11:01:07Z</published>
    <updated>2009-09-16T11:54:27Z</updated>
    
    <summary>Japan has reintroduced a system involving lay participation in serious criminal trials. As discussed in several Australian Network for Japanese Law (ANJeL) events over recent years, this saiban’in system involves randomly selected ‘Lay Judges’ and professional career judges jointly assessing...</summary>
    <author>
        <name>Luke Nottage</name>
        <uri>www.law.usyd.edu.au/anjel</uri>
    </author>
            <category term="Japanese Law" />
            <category term="Public policy and politics" />
    
    <content type="html" xml:lang="en" xml:base="http://blogs.usyd.edu.au/japaneselaw/">
        <![CDATA[<p>Japan has reintroduced a system involving lay participation in serious criminal trials. As discussed in <a href="http://www.law.usyd.edu.au/anjel/content/anjel_events_past.html">several Australian Network for Japanese Law (ANJeL) events over recent years</a>, this saiban’in system involves randomly selected ‘Lay Judges’ and professional career judges jointly assessing the facts to reach a verdict, as well as deciding on sentences. The model is more Continental European than Anglo-American, but a shared concern is to bring the justice system closer to citizens’ everyday life – a guiding principle in the Judicial Reform Council’s Final Recommendations issued in 2001. Diverse dimensions to greater popular participation throughout Japan’s legal process, including also my study of how the Japanese government organizes its litigation services beyond the criminal justice sphere, will be the subject of ANJeL’s third book  from Edward Elgar (forthcoming around December 2010, co-edited with Leon Wolff and Kent Anderson).</p>

<p>Legislation establishing this saiban’in system was enacted in 2004, but implementation was delayed for five years to allow all stakeholders to get used to the idea and many practical implications. (For example, many of the <a href="http://www.law.usyd.edu.au/anjel/content/anjel_people_judge.html">ANJeL Judges-in-Residence</a> sent to Australia by the Supreme Court of Japan have carefully compared how this country manages jury trials, especially in connection with the media.) The enactment illustrates my previous point that the former Liberal Democratic Party (LDP) led coalition had already shifted away from more conservative stances even before its dramatic loss of power in the general election on 30 August this year. Even more ironically, although the <a href="http://search.japantimes.co.jp/cgi-bin/nn20090807a1.html">first saiban’in trial</a> took place without apparent mishap earlier that month, campaigns by the Democratic Party of Japan (DPJ) and other then-Opposition parties drew on growing concerns among the general public about actually having to serve as Lay Judges. Hopefully, however, Japan's experience will become similar to Australia's - where the general public is quite negative about serving on juries, but individual jurors afterwards report that it was a worthwhile experience. (A similar pattern is <a href="http://search.japantimes.co.jp/cgi-bin/nn20090816a6.html">also observed in the US</a>.)</p>]]>
        <![CDATA[<p>Below I first reproduce translations of <a href="http://www.dpj.or.jp/policy/manifesto/seisaku2009/07.html">DPJ policy statements</a> promising to make the new saiban’in system more user-friendly in various ways. Then I add its related policy statements about video-recording of interrogations of suspects undertaken by police or prosecutors in Japan. (Both are slightly edited from translations kindly prepared by <a href="http://www.law.usyd.edu.au/anjel/content/anjel_people_dir.html">Glenn Kembrey, Sydney Law School student intern</a> for our <a href="http://www.law.usyd.edu.au/caplus">Centre for Asian and Pacific Law [CAPLUS]</a> who is also assisting with ANJeL activities.) </p>

<p>As explained in the <a href="http://blogs.usyd.edu.au/japaneselaw/IbusukiVideoRecording_LN03.pdf">attached paper by Professor Makoto Ibusuki</a>, a frequent visitor and a <a href="http://www.law.usyd.edu.au/anjel/content/anjel_people_prog.html">Program Convenor – ANJeL in Japan</a>, the new DPJ-led government is now bound to enact legislation mandating full video-recording. Some politicians within the LDP anyway may have been open to this sort of reform too, but the pace should pick up. This particular law reform is bound to please NSW's Director of Public Prosecutions Mr Nicholas Cowdery QC, a key person behind the<a href="http://www.ibanet.org/Article/Detail.aspx?ArticleUid=bea2ec34-5513-4991-8192-0e6ed5e70d9c"> IBA's 2004 Report on 'Interrogation of Criminal Suspects in Japan'</a> that recommended precisely this change.</p>

<p><img alt="Interrogations.jpg" src="http://blogs.usyd.edu.au/japaneselaw/Interrogations.jpg" width="338" height="231" /></p>

<p>(a) Smooth Implementation of the Lay Judge System </p>

<p>In May 2009, a Lay Judge system came into effect. While working towards to increase citizens’ understanding of the system by continuing to disseminate public information, making the process visible through audio and visual recording, and disclosure of the entirety of evidence held by the public prosecutor etc, we will quickly introduce the necessary environment for having fair trials while preventing an increase in the length of lay-judge trials.  </p>

<p>In particular, the system will be quickly reviewed so as to decrease the burden on citizens who become lay judges. This will be achieved by adopting a flexible approach to those randomly selected citizens who present reasons for declining to serve as lay judges; by limits on the application of penal regulations for the breach of confidentiality obligations imposed on lay judges; by reviews of means for discussing the imposition of a death sentence; and by increasing the daily allowance paid to lay judges.</p>

<p>(b) Visualising Criminal Examinations, and Preventing False Charges through the Proper Disclosure of Evidence</p>

<p>Reforms will be carried out to achieve a fair and highly transparent criminal justice system, by aiming to achieve visualization through video recording of the entire examination process of a suspect by police, prosecutors and others. </p>

<p>The need for this has recently has become clear through a succession of false accusations, such as the  “Toyama Himi Incident”, “Shibushi Incident” and “Ashikaga Incident”. However, this large problem is still dealt with in closed-off rooms. To prevent false accusations on the basis of coerced confessions in [suspect] examinations, we will (1) require investigating authorities to use audio and visual recording of the entire process of suspect examinations so as to be able to determine the voluntariness of confessions, if in dispute at trial; (2) to obtain thorough disclosure of evidence at criminal trials, we will implement an amendment to the Criminal Procedure Code requiring the creation and disclosure of a table listing evidence held by the prosecutors, and so on.”</p>]]>
    </content>
</entry>
<entry>
    <title>Lessons for Australia – How (Japan and) other countries are dealing with current consumer issues</title>
    <link rel="alternate" type="text/html" href="http://blogs.usyd.edu.au/japaneselaw/2009/09/lessons_for_australia.html" />
    <link rel="service.edit" type="application/atom+xml" href="http://blogs.usyd.edu.au/mt/mt-atom.cgi/weblog/blog_id=82/entry_id=4355" title="Lessons for Australia – How (Japan and) other countries are dealing with current consumer issues" />
    <id>tag:blogs.usyd.edu.au,2009:/japaneselaw//82.4355</id>
    
    <published>2009-09-01T14:56:19Z</published>
    <updated>2009-09-01T21:50:51Z</updated>
    
    <summary>Tezukayama University Professor Michelle Tan (who Commented recently on my previous blog on the new DPJ government and law reform) spoke with me on this topic at the big SOCAP (Society of Consumer Affairs Professionals) conference in Sydney over 25-6...</summary>
    <author>
        <name>Luke Nottage</name>
        <uri>www.law.usyd.edu.au/anjel</uri>
    </author>
            <category term="Consumer law and policy" />
            <category term="Japanese Law" />
            <category term="Public policy and politics" />
    
    <content type="html" xml:lang="en" xml:base="http://blogs.usyd.edu.au/japaneselaw/">
        <![CDATA[<p>Tezukayama University Professor Michelle Tan (who Commented recently on my previous blog on the new DPJ government and law reform) spoke with me on this topic at the big <a href="http://www.socap.org.au">SOCAP (Society of Consumer Affairs Professionals) conference</a> in Sydney over 25-6 August. Key conference themes were the <a href="http://www.eastasiaforum.org/2009/07/28/pain-on-the-road-to-recovery-so-what-for-consumer-credit-law-reform-for-australia-and-beyond/">impact of the GFC and world-wide recession, and the new nation-wide Australian Consumer Law reforms</a>. We emphasised the need for Australia to unify consumer nation-wide by ‘trading up’ not only to best practice from among its states and territories, but also to emerging global standards. Our presentation compared developments in consumer policy/administration generally, product liability and safety, consumer credit and unfair contract terms, collective redress and consumer ADR. (Powerpoints and a related Working Paper are <a href="http://www.law.usyd.edu.au/scil/pdf/2009/SCILWP24_Nottage.pdf">here</a>, drawing on my various Submissions to aspects of Australia's current consumer law reform program.) </p>]]>
        <![CDATA[<p>I suggested that Japan’s experience shows how consumers have benefitted by firms generally provided excellent customer service, but that the burst of its own ‘bubble’ economy and consequent ‘lost decade’ of economic stagnation over the 1990s led to some (even large firms) cutting too many corners. Across most firms, however, the slowdown probably led to even greater attention to consumer service - unlike Australia at least until the GFC, where firms paid less attention when the economy was booming. And in Japan, those instances of corner-cutting generated growing momentum in consumer law reform, as more generally in the European Union. Belatedly, we may be seeing a similar phenomenon unfolding now in Australia. </p>

<p>Japan’s experience is also instructive for another major reason. Significant consumer law re-regulation has occurred even amidst broader economic liberalisation - or perhaps precisely because of it. Indeed, it has occurred <a href="http://blogs.usyd.edu.au/japaneselaw/2009/07/who_defends_japan_government_l.html">despite the government’s judicial system reform initiatives</a> designed to reduce ex ante regulation overall, in favour of greater market forces plus ex post compensation via private law claims - a model exemplified by the US, but also quite influential in Australia.</p>

<p>Michelle Tan also presented the following general overview about developments in Japan, which help explain some <a href="http://blogs.usyd.edu.au/japaneselaw/2009/09/the_new_dpj_government.html">emphasis given to consumer issues in the election manifesto of the Democratic Party of Japan</a>. It still remains to be seen how (quickly) some of those DPJ initiatives will be introduced, but <a href="http://search.japantimes.co.jp/cgi-bin/nn20090812b2.html">already Japan's new Consumer Affairs Agency has commenced operations</a> pursuant to legislation enacted under the former LDP-led coalition government. Indeed, the DPJ was unhappy with former PM Aso's selection of a former Cabinet Office top official to head the Agency and <a href="http://www.jiji.com/jc/zc?k=200908/2009083101437&rel=j&g=soc">the new government may well now call for his resignation and appoint another</a>.</p>

<p>***</p>

<p>The Japanese Fundamental Act on Consumers, which dates back to 1968, is an extremely important law that sets out the basic principles and framework of consumer protection in Japan - the “Constitution” in the area of consumer protection. This framework sets out the roles of national and local government (as well as business and consumers) with respect to consumer protection. But even despite a major revision of the act about 5 years ago, until last year there had never been a serious attempt to establish a single administrative agency with primary responsibility for consumer affairs.<br />
 <br />
So the introduction of a Consumer Affairs Agency, overseen by the Cabinet Office, represents a complete upheaval of the current system. The Consumer Agency commenced operations on 1 September this year, somewhat earlier than the original plan for a October-November start. (This was a sudden decision, no doubt a result of pre-election jitters within the LDP and, more importantly, the bureaucracy - who wouldn’t have wanted the inauguration date set back at this late stage.) The new agency has jurisdiction over laws covering most areas such as consumer transactions, food and product safety as well as having authority to regulate in areas where legislative gaps exist ( e.g. <a href="http://blogs.usyd.edu.au/japaneselaw/2008/10/a_new_consumer_agency_for_japa.html">konnyaku jelly</a>). In addition, a new central product injury surveillance system is in the planning.</p>

<p>What is the background to such recent reforms in Japan? Japanese consumers have very high expectations of their companies. Companies are expected to deliver an extremely high level of customer service. And they are punished severely by consumers, and more recently, even by the law, if they don’t deliver. Despite an extraordinarily high level of customer service, in recent years there have been a range of issues arising, notably involving food products (particularly sensitive) and product related injuries and deaths, and the current legal system just hasn’t been able to provide an adequate response. </p>

<p>2000 was the year that started off a seemingly never-ending string of scandals in the food and product safety area, involving very famous Japanese companies. I think it was the food scandals which particularly angered the Japanese, for two reasons. Firstly, because we all have to eat, and therefore are all potential victims of any one of the frequently occurring scandals. Secondly, the companies did what they did purely for profit-making reasons, which the Japanese see as is a complete betrayal of their obligations to society. </p>

<p>As a result of these scandals, which couldn’t be prevented and couldn’t be adequately dealt with afterwards, Japanese consumers have been feeling very “insecure” and distrustful of companies. This is not a good way to feel in general, and in the Japanese context it tends to cause people to react very negatively or cynically to company’s behaviour - be it good behaviour or otherwise. </p>

<p>One important effect of this general lack of trust in companies has been an enormous increase in the number of complaints that Japanese companies receive, and also an increase in the number of difficult complaints they receive. Especially since 2000, when there was a huge scandal involving out-of-date milk being taken back to the manufacturer (Snow Brand) and resterilized for re-sale. Unfortunately, the milk got contaminated in the process and about 10,000 people who drank Snow Brand milk got food poisoning.</p>

<p>One important role for the new Consumer Agency will be to ensure compliance with the law to restore consumer trust in companies and thus ensure the “safety” and “security” of Japanese consumers (Expressed as a single indivisible concept, “Anzen, Anshin” in Japanese. This expression is used frequently these days by all stakeholders.)</p>

<p>The Fundamental Act on Consumers, as amended a few years ago, now states that companies have a duty to respond to complaints in an appropriate and timely fashion. And this means that complaints handling and what’s called the “voice of the consumer” are considered, at the policy level, to be extremely important. Self-regulatory or soft law tools such as standards and codes of conduct are becoming increasingly important for Japanese companies as a way of ensuring that companies do respond to the consumer voice.</p>

<p>***</p>

<p>Michelle Tan comes from Brisbane and has lived in Japan for more than 20 years. She lives in Kobe and teaches at Tezukayama University in Nara. Michelle studied law at Queensland University before leaving for Japan where she obtained a PhD in Economic Law from Osaka University. Michelle has been teaching consumer protection policy and law at Tezukayama University since 1997. With Luke Nottage she co-teaches a "Consumers and Law" module in the <a href="http://www.kyoto-seminar.jp">Kyoto Seminar course in Japanese Law</a> accredited for Sydney Law School and taught intensively each February at Ritsumeikan Law School in collaboration with the <a href="http://www.law.usyd.edu.au/anjel">Australian Network for Japanese Law.<br />
</a> In recent years her research has focused on the role of soft law mechanisms such as internal/ external complaints handling, codes of conduct and standards in strengthening compliance and promoting consumer protection. Michelle has advised many governmental bodies, companies and consumers associations on consumer issues. </p>]]>
    </content>
</entry>
<entry>
    <title>The New DPJ Government in Japan: Implications for Law Reform</title>
    <link rel="alternate" type="text/html" href="http://blogs.usyd.edu.au/japaneselaw/2009/09/the_new_dpj_government.html" />
    <link rel="service.edit" type="application/atom+xml" href="http://blogs.usyd.edu.au/mt/mt-atom.cgi/weblog/blog_id=82/entry_id=4359" title="The New DPJ Government in Japan: Implications for Law Reform" />
    <id>tag:blogs.usyd.edu.au,2009:/japaneselaw//82.4359</id>
    
    <published>2009-08-31T23:19:44Z</published>
    <updated>2009-09-08T03:09:25Z</updated>
    
    <summary>Mainstream Australian media provided distressingly meager coverage of Japan’s exciting general election for the more powerful lower House of Representatives last Sunday, which saw a remarkable about-face. The centrist Democratic Party of Japan (DPJ) went from 115 to 308 seats,...</summary>
    <author>
        <name>Luke Nottage</name>
        <uri>www.law.usyd.edu.au/anjel</uri>
    </author>
            <category term="Japanese Law" />
            <category term="Public policy and politics" />
    
    <content type="html" xml:lang="en" xml:base="http://blogs.usyd.edu.au/japaneselaw/">
        <![CDATA[<p>Mainstream Australian media provided distressingly meager coverage of Japan’s exciting general election for the more powerful lower House of Representatives last Sunday, which saw a <a href="http://search.japantimes.co.jp/cgi-bin/nn20090831x2.html">remarkable about-face</a>. The centrist Democratic Party of Japan (DPJ) went from 115 to 308 seats, with allies SDP (the small leftover of the once-powerful Social Democratic Party) and the New Party Nippon taking another 7 and 3 seats respectively. Overall, these and other former Opposition parties took 340 seats, whereas the conservative ruling coalition suffered a massive defeat. The Liberal Democratic Party (LDP) dropped to 119 seats, from 300 before the election (and 296 in 2005, the previous election called by Junichiro Kozumi who then retired as Prime Minister). The Komeito dropped from 31 to 21 seats, meaning that the former ruling coalition now only has 140 seats. In short, the tables have turned almost completely since 2005, in a country (in)famous for its aversion to abrupt changes in direction. </p>

<p>This blog posting is the first of several thinking through this result and some implications for policy and law reform in Japan.</p>]]>
        <![CDATA[<p>Newspaper coverage in English tends to suggest that this is the first time the LDP has really lost power since 1955. Commentators usually do mention its loss in 1993, but add that this was only for a year. This overlooks that the fact that the SDP led a coalition incorporating the LDP from 1994-6, which saw some significant political developments (eg a major settlement of the long-running Minamata Disease litigation). More importantly, the year the LDP was completely out of power generated important legislation ranging from measures promoting transparency in administrative procedures through to strict liability for defective products. It also laid the groundwork for further substantive law reforms in similar areas, such as the Official Information Disclosure Act of 2001 and the Consumer Contracts Act 2000. </p>

<p>Most importantly, the LDP’s fall from power in 1993 made them and the bureaucracy reassess their close relationship. LDP politicians realised that even once back in power, they might lose again. From that perspective, a political process more open to diverse stakeholders - including “opposition” interests - became more attractive. As part of this ongoing rethink, from the late 1990s the “deliberative council” system for law reform certainly became more transparent, and alternative law-making processes developed as well (eg private Members’ Bills). </p>

<p>The LDP, prompted also by the Komeito, also began incorporating many centrist policies into its own program – trying to steal the DPJ’s thunder. Such developments provide a partial explanation for the counter-intuitive situation of a conservative coalition pressing ahead with major judicial reforms from 2001,. These covered not just for civil justice (which at least some business interests also wanted), but also criminal justice (including the new quasi-jury system, with its first trial recently concluded in the Tokyo District Court).</p>

<p>These shifts – accommodating concerns of a wider voter base, in a more porous process serving as a back-up plan in case the LDP lost power again  - seemed to be working out quite well, especially as the Japanese economy finally returned to a growth path from 2002-7. But then came the GFC and economic stagnation potentially far worse than during Japan’s ‘lost decade’ of the 1990s, because it was driven by the world-wide collapse of all Japan’s major markets for both exports and investment (including even China). Those who had already suffered from major socio-economic reforms and Japan’s banking crisis in the late 1990s became increasingly concerned about the LDP’s capacity to address these even larger challenges. One such group comprised the burgeoning numbers of “involuntary non-regular workers”, young men and others who no longer had the option of one day joining the elite “lifelong employee” cadre rather than deliberately choosing not to take up that life. (This group was highlighted in the <a href="www.usyd.edu.au/news/law/457.html?eventcategoryid=41&eventid=4126">recent lecture on "flexicurity" presented at Sydney Law School by former Todai Law Dean, Emeritus Professor Kazuo Sugeno</a>). Unsurprisingly, despite LDP-led law reform in 2007 aimed at part of this group, the DPJ was able to attract a much higher proportion of younger voters.</p>

<p>All this means that we may not witness now huge changes in both the style and substance of law reform in Japan. This will not (merely) be because the DPJ government is new and relatively inexperienced, or due to reactionary forces, but also because some significant changes were already afoot. It is interesting, for example, to compare the pre-election manifestos of the LDP and the DPJ (themselves one indication of broader transformations in Japanese politics over the last decade) and other policy statements. On the other hand, it is certainly worth examining the DJP’s manifesto “promises” to get a better idea of the new government’s likely legislative program for the next few years:</p>

<p>The DPJ's <a href="http://www.dpj.or.jp/policy/manifesto/seisaku2009">policy summary </a>(not necessarily identical to their <a href="http://www.dpj.or.jp/special/manifesto2009/pdf/manifesto_2009.pdf">manifesto distributed during the election compaign</a>) is still currently only available in Japanese. But it states policies from areas such as:<br />
•	Cabinet (eg re the Ainu, now recognized as an indigenous people)<br />
•	Children and women (eg work-life balance, or allowing married couples to retain separate surnames)<br />
•	Consumers (eg strengthening local government Consumer Lifestyle Centres, dealing with huge volumes of complaints and requests for information)<br />
•	Administrative reform (eg limits of “amakudari [descent from heaven]”, ie retiring from government into private sector jobs, increasingly commonplace also in the US and NSW!)<br />
•	Local-central government relations (eg greater devolution and citizen involvement in governance)<br />
•	Political reform (eg reducing lower house numbers and limiting ‘political dynasties’)<br />
•	Legal affairs (rethinking the new “Law School” and legal examination system introduced from 2004, criminal justice improvements such as videotaping interrogations and possibly life sentences instead of the death penalty, a second round of administrative litigation reforms, possible multiple nationality even after minority at least for children of international marriages)<br />
•	Foreign affairs and security (especially strengthening relations with Asia)<br />
•	Finance (including a new law on publically listed companies)<br />
•	Tax (including reviews of alchohol and beer taxes, and tax litigation processes)<br />
•	Health and welfare (eg possible no-fault compensation schemes, and measures for hepatitis victims)<br />
•	Labour (eg securing better conditions for non-regular workers, preventing and resolving disputes based on the Labour Contracts Act)<br />
•	Agriculture (eg a traceability system for food products, and linked quarantine inspections)<br />
•	Construction and transport (eg a Road Traffic Basic Law)<br />
•	Environment (eg meansures to resolve some remaining Minamanta and Kanemi Rice Bran mass claims, as well as “sick houses” disputes and asbestos problems)</p>

<p>Later postings on this blog will provide more detail, and report on how the new government does or does not follow up in these and other areas, but many of the topics just listed have already been introduced in <a href="http://blogs.usyd.edu.au/japaneselaw/2009/08/law_public_policy_and_economic.html">previous postings on this blog</a>, the East Asian Forum blog (www.eastasiaforum.org), or my other readily available work (eg reproduced at www.ssrn.com). Meanwhile, comments are most welcome, especially from ANJeL members!<br />
</p>]]>
    </content>
</entry>
<entry>
    <title>Law, Public Policy and Economics in Japan and Australia: Reviewing Bilateral Relations and Commercial Regulation in 2009</title>
    <link rel="alternate" type="text/html" href="http://blogs.usyd.edu.au/japaneselaw/2009/08/law_public_policy_and_economic.html" />
    <link rel="service.edit" type="application/atom+xml" href="http://blogs.usyd.edu.au/mt/mt-atom.cgi/weblog/blog_id=82/entry_id=4329" title="Law, Public Policy and Economics in Japan and Australia: Reviewing Bilateral Relations and Commercial Regulation in 2009" />
    <id>tag:blogs.usyd.edu.au,2009:/japaneselaw//82.4329</id>
    
    <published>2009-08-16T22:44:05Z</published>
    <updated>2009-08-16T22:45:16Z</updated>
    
    <summary>This is the grand title of a modest Sydney Law School Research Paper (No 09/71) updating and editing another collection of my blog postings both here and on the East Asia Forum. Freely downloadable via http://ssrn.com/abstract=1446523, it is based mainly...</summary>
    <author>
        <name>Luke Nottage</name>
        <uri>www.law.usyd.edu.au/anjel</uri>
    </author>
            <category term="Australia-Japan Relations" />
            <category term="Consumer law and policy" />
            <category term="Japanese Law" />
            <category term="Public policy and politics" />
            <category term="Regulation" />
    
    <content type="html" xml:lang="en" xml:base="http://blogs.usyd.edu.au/japaneselaw/">
        <![CDATA[<p>This is the grand title of a modest Sydney Law School Research Paper (No 09/71) updating and editing another collection of my blog postings both here and on the East Asia Forum. Freely downloadable via <a href="http://ssrn.com/abstract=1446523">http://ssrn.com/abstract=1446523</a>, it is based mainly on developments from the end of 2008 through to mid-2009. </p>

<p>Many topics are important not only within Australia and Japan, but also potentially for bilateral relations (for example, as novel dimensions to the FTA or 'Economic Partnership Agreement' already under negotiation between these two countries). Several topics (for example, the state of economics as a discipline after the GFC, neo-communitarian perspectives on comparative law and society, the legacy of the post-War Occupation of Japan) also address more broadly how we should (re)conceptualise law, economics and public policy particularly in the Asia-Pacific context.</p>]]>
        <![CDATA[<p>As in my <a href="http://ssrn.com/abstract=1295064">survey of developments over 2008</a>, readers can work through these topics sequentially, as I tried to link them to previous postings and therefore create a 'chain novel' narrative effect. But readers may prefer to jump around the topics in their own order of interest, especially as some postings were uploaded initially in response to particular developments (such as announcements for major consumer law and then arbitration law reforms in Australia, both <a href="http://blogs.usyd.edu.au/japaneselaw/2009/07/international_investment_and_c.html">topical also in Japan</a> and beyond). </p>

<p>Here is the list of topics/headings edited in this paper (with dates of the original postings, and an asterisk if also or only on the East Asia Forum blog):</p>

<p>1.	More visitors to Japan - Is it me, or Kyoto? (23 November 2008)*<br />
2.	Traffic rules and alcohol regulation in Japan (29 November 2008)*<br />
3.	Deregulation Japan-style: on the (local) grog (15 January 2009)*<br />
4.	Whalergate, or a way forward? (31 January 2009)*<br />
5.	Japanese Law in English through the Internet: Take Two (20 March 2009)<br />
6.	Australia’s lethargic law reform: how (not) to revive consumer spending (25 March 2009)*<br />
7.	Australia’s less lethargic law reform? International arbitration in the Asia-Pacific (21 April 2009)*<br />
8.	Responsible consumer lending rules for Australia too: Submission on the National Consumer Credit Protection Bill (11 May 2009)<br />
9.	Australia and Japan as America’s deputies – in multilateralism? (12 May 2009)*<br />
10.	Neoclassical and Chicago School economics keeps coming to Japan(ese law) (6 June 2009)<br />
11.	Possibilities and pitfalls in laws affecting children of Australian and Japanese parents (12 June 2009)<br />
12.	Multicultural Japan? Policy, law and society (26 June 2009)<br />
13.	Australia, social justice and labour reform in Occupation Japan (5 July 2009)<br />
14.	Who defends Japan? Government lawyers and judicial system reform in Japan and Australia (13 July 2009)<br />
15.	Law and community: A critical reassessment of American liberalism and Japanese modernity (19 July 2009)</p>

<p>Appendix: Birth (and transfiguration?) of an anti-whaling discourse (1 February 2009)<br />
</p>]]>
    </content>
</entry>
<entry>
    <title>Unfair Consumer Contracts Law Reform in Australia (at last), Japan and Europe</title>
    <link rel="alternate" type="text/html" href="http://blogs.usyd.edu.au/japaneselaw/2009/08/unfairterms.html" />
    <link rel="service.edit" type="application/atom+xml" href="http://blogs.usyd.edu.au/mt/mt-atom.cgi/weblog/blog_id=82/entry_id=4319" title="Unfair Consumer Contracts Law Reform in Australia (at last), Japan and Europe" />
    <id>tag:blogs.usyd.edu.au,2009:/japaneselaw//82.4319</id>
    
    <published>2009-08-11T12:34:28Z</published>
    <updated>2009-08-11T12:47:15Z</updated>
    
    <summary>Compared to Australian and New Zealand legislation, Japan’s Consumer Contracts Act 2000 has quite narrow restrictions on the bargaining process leading up to the conclusion of contracts between consumers and commercial suppliers (Luke Nottage ‘Nihon-Nyujirando Shohishakeiyakuho [Consumer Contract Law in...</summary>
    <author>
        <name>Luke Nottage</name>
        <uri>www.law.usyd.edu.au/anjel</uri>
    </author>
            <category term="Consumer law and policy" />
            <category term="Japanese Law" />
    
    <content type="html" xml:lang="en" xml:base="http://blogs.usyd.edu.au/japaneselaw/">
        <![CDATA[<p>Compared to Australian and New Zealand legislation, Japan’s <a href="http://www.japaneselawtranslation.go.jp">Consumer Contracts Act 2000</a> has quite narrow restrictions on the bargaining process leading up to the conclusion of contracts between consumers and commercial suppliers (Luke Nottage ‘Nihon-Nyujirando Shohishakeiyakuho [Consumer Contract Law in Japan and New Zealand]’ 1620 Toki no Horei 4-5, June 2000). But it adds a ‘general clause’ regulating unfair contract terms, voiding those that ‘impair the interests of consumers unilaterally against the fundamental principle’ of <a href="http://ssrn.com/abstract=842684">good faith under Civil Code Art 1(2)</a>, as well as targeting some specific types of terms. The Consumer Contracts Act also extends to all types of contracts (except employment contracts: Art 48), and defines ‘consumer’ broadly as any individual not contracting for a business purpose (Art 2). </p>]]>
        <![CDATA[<p>This definition is similar to that of the <a href="http://ec.europa.eu/">1993 EC Directive on unfair terms</a> (93/13/EEC),  which provided a major impetus to enactment in Japan (as did the 1985 Directive for Japan’s Product Liability Act 1994). However, Art 4(2) of the 1993 Directive excludes terms relating to ‘the definition of the main subject matter of the contract’ or ‘the adequacy of the price and remuneration … in so far as these terms are in plain intelligible language’, with the Preamble specifically mentioning insurance contract premiums. The annexed indicative ‘grey list’ of clauses that may prove unfair also suggests that certain terms found in financial services contracts are likely to be acceptable. Art 3(1) voids ‘any contractual term which has not been individually negotiated … as unfair if, contrary to the requirement of good faith, it causes a significant imbalance in the parties' rights and obligations arising under the contract, to the detriment of the consumer’. </p>

<p>Article 7 adds an important obligation on European member states to provide ‘adequate and effective means’ to prevent usage of unfair terms, including injunctions. Consumers were unable to obtain such provisions in Japan’s original Act, but they were <a href="http://www.eastasiaforum.org/2008/10/30/a-new-consumer-agency-for-japan-consumer-redress-contracts-and-product-safety/">added in 2006</a> and are already having some impact. By contrast, the EU was slower than Japan in harmonising controls focusing solely on the contract negotiation process. These came only in the 2005 Unfair Commercial Practices Directive (2005/29/EC). But that now includes quite general clauses prohibiting misleading conduct vis-à-vis consumers (Arts 6 and 7).</p>

<p>What about Australia? The <a href="www.austlii.edu.au">Trade Practices Act 1974 (Cth) </a> included a very broad prohibition on misleading and deceptive conduct in trade (s52), which competitor firms as well as individual consumers and regulators could invoke. Part V Div 2 also voids attempts by corporations to limit specific statutory warranties (merchantable quality, fitness for purpose notified before supply, etc) when supplying goods and services to ‘consumers’ as defined (eg for goods) in s4B(1):</p>

<p>(a)  a person shall be taken to have acquired particular goods as a consumer if, and only if: <br />
(i)  the price of the goods did not exceed [$40,000]; or <br />
(ii)  where that price exceeded[$40,000] the goods were of a kind ordinarily acquired for personal, domestic or household use or consumption or the goods consisted of a commercial road vehicle; <br />
and the person did not acquire the goods, or hold himself or herself out as acquiring the goods, for the purpose of  re supply or for the purpose of using them up or transforming them, in trade or commerce, in the course of a process of production or manufacture or of repairing or treating other goods or fixtures on land.’</p>

<p>In addition, for transactions under $40,000 suppliers can limit (but not exclude totally) liability if this is ‘fair and reasonable’ and the goods are not ordinarily for personal use (s68A). Further, the obligation to take due care when providing services (s74(1)) always excludes ‘(a) a contract for or in relation to the transportation or storage of goods  for the purposes of a business, trade, profession or occupation carried on or engaged in by the person for whom the goods are transported or stored; or (b) a contract of insurance’ (s74(3)). And the fitness for purpose obligation is excluded for ‘services of a professional nature provided by a qualified architect or engineer’ (s74(2)).</p>

<p>The scope of application for these consumer protection provisions is therefore very convoluted and seemingly quite arbitrary, partly reflecting the lobbying power of certain professional groups in obtaining exclusions from TPA obligations. And the mandatory statutory warranties have been displaced in practice by retailers increasingly selling ‘extended warranties’, even though the mandatory warranties often would or should provide similar coverage anyway. Retailers and consumers also tend now to believe that the only really important thing is express warranties provided by manufacturers, even though the latter also owe statutory warranties similar to those of retailers (see Part V Div 2A, added in 1986). This confusion is not helped by the fact that there is no statutory requirement that such express voluntary warranties be in plain intelligible language, as under the 1999 EC Consumer Guarantees Directive (1999/44/EC). Such problems are highlighted in a <a href="http://www.treasury.gov.au/contentitem.asp?ContentID=1521&NavID=037">Review of Statutory Implied Terms and Warranties</a> initiated in late July 2009 by the Commonwealth Consumer Affairs Advisory Council.  This is another part of the <a href="http://www.treasury.gov.au/contentitem.asp?NavId=&ContentID=1484">Australian government’s review of consumer law and policy overall</a> since February 2009, following a detailed Report of the Productivity Commission released in April 2008. </p>

<p>Australia’s legislation is likely to become even more complicated if the federal Parliament enacts the <a href="http://www.aph.gov.au/senate/committee/economics_ctte/tpa_consumer_law_09/index.htm">Trade Practices Amendment (Australian Consumer Law) Bill</a>, introduced on 26 June 2009.  This laudably adds a long-overdue missing link in Australia’s consumer protection regime: broader restrictions on all unfair terms. These follow the lead of amendments to Victoria’s Fair Trading Act in 2002, in turn based on the 1993 EC Directive. The Bill likewise applies to a ‘consumer contract’ defined as supply ‘to an individual whose acquisition …. is wholly or predominantly for personal, domestic or household use or consumption’ (ie a non-business purpose). This is a partial throwback to a more subjective test than in the current TPA. But the latter’s original definition (in 1974, before an amendment in 1977 generating s4B above) had asked whether goods or services were ordinarily used for ‘private use’. Even under the present s4B(4),  ‘commercial road vehicle’ is defined more subjectively to the user: ‘vehicle or trailer acquired for use principally in the transport of goods on public roads’. The Contracts Review Act 1980 (NSW) also does not provide for relief from an ‘unjust’ contract ‘in so far as the contract was entered into in the course of or for the purpose of a trade, business or profession carried on by the person or proposed to be carried on by the person, other than a farming undertaking’ (s6). Australian courts and others interpreting the Bill’s unfair terms provisions may also be able to draw on similar wording delimiting the applicability of <a href="http://blogs.usyd.edu.au/japaneselaw/2009/05/responsible_consumer_lending_r.html">consumer credit legislation</a> (itself under review since 20009 ). The Bill’s definition of ‘consumer’ may also yet displace at least some definitions within the existing TPA, such as Part V Div 2.</p>

<p>In addition, the Bill includes financial services but specifically excludes charterparties and contracts for marine salvage, towage, carriage of goods by sea, and the constitution of a company, managed investment scheme or other kind of body. It also excludes a consumer contract term that ‘defines the main subject matter of the contract, or sets the upfront price payable’. So this is likely to exclude insurance contract premiums, as under the 1993 EC Directive. The Bill is also similar in applying only to standard-form contract terms. This restriction reflects a strong outcry from business interests when the Treasury released a Consultation Paper in May 2009 containing an Exposure Draft providing for coverage not limited to standard form contracts (as still in Japan, following an older German law approach). </p>

<p>Thus, like the 1993 Directive, the Bill reflects partly still a ‘procedural justice’ model of consumer law, focused on transparency and the need to safeguard some consent, particularly with standard-form contracts. But also partly a ‘commutative justice’ model, focused on substantive balance or fairness (T Wilhelmsson & C Willett ‘Unfair Terms and Standard Form Contracts’ in G Howells et al eds, Research Handbook on International Consumer Law (forthcoming, Elgar, 2009). </p>

<p>The biggest difference with the Directive, and Japan’s Consumer Contract Act, lies in the definition of an ‘unfair’ term – if ‘(a) it would cause a significant imbalance in the parties’ rights and obligations arising under the contract; and (b) it is not reasonably necessary to protect the legitimate interests of the party who would otherwise be advantaged by the term’. The Victorian Act likewise has been amended this year to remove any reference to ‘good faith’. This follows a 2005 report of the English and Scottish Law Commissions, and also is related to current confusion in Australian (commercial) contract law about the content (and applicability) of a <a href="http://ssrn.com/abstract=947361">generalised duty of good faith</a>.  Yet TPA provisions on broader ‘unconscionable conduct’ still list good faith as a factor (Part IVA). And its excision from the Bill means that Australia will miss out on an opportunity to learn from how civil law tradition countries in Europe and Japan have developed this principle to balance the various social interests involved when providing the (scarce) resources of the state to enforce contracts, especially now those involving consumers.</p>

<p>However, the Bill does give more bite back to enforcement proceedings. Where a term is declared unfair by a court, or proscribed by the Minister (by Regulation – but none were proposed along with the Bill), the regulator (the ACCC) can bring injunction proceedings that also seek further orders against corporations using such terms, in favour of those not party to the original proceedings. These orders can include refunds for them, for example, but not full damages. This is a welcome amendment to the narrow scope of TPA s87 (limiting orders to parties alone), as interpreted in <em>Medibank Private v Cassidy</em> [2002] FCAFC 290. But the ACCC had been pushing for it for the last 7 years, pointing out for example that the securities regulator (ASIC) has long had such broader powers. </p>

<p>So that particular reform of the TPA’s enforcement regime confirms my impression about <a href="http://www.eastasiaforum.org/2009/03/25/australias-lethargic-law-reform-how-not-to-revive-consumer-spending/">Australia’s ‘lethargic’ attitude to consumer law reform</a> since the 1990s.  So does the fact that the unfair terms rules will only come into effect at the federal level from 1 January 2010, and be applied by states in their legislation from 1 January 2011. Part of the backdrop is Australia’s complex constitutional system, but this timeframe also reflects a lack of political will – compared for example to Europe nowadays, and arguably also Japan. </p>

<p>To keep up momentum and make sure Australia maintains global standards, it will be important to fund better comparative and empirical research centred around consumer law specialists in Australian universities. To that end, Sydney Law School will host the <a href="http://www.law.usyd.edu.au/caplus/events.shtml">4th Consumer Law Roundtable on 4 December 2009</a>.  And in another Treasury <a href="http://www.treasury.gov.au/contentitem.asp?NavId=014&ContentID=1532">consultation recently about consumer policy research</a> and advocacy, Roundtable members have also proposed the establishment of the ‘Australian Consumer Research Network (ACReN), partly inspired by the flexible cross-institutional Australian Network for Japanese Law (www.law.usyd.edu.au/anjel). </p>]]>
    </content>
</entry>
<entry>
    <title>Taniguchi Talk - Does the WTO Really Settle International Trade Disputes?</title>
    <link rel="alternate" type="text/html" href="http://blogs.usyd.edu.au/japaneselaw/2009/08/taniguchi_talk.html" />
    <link rel="service.edit" type="application/atom+xml" href="http://blogs.usyd.edu.au/mt/mt-atom.cgi/weblog/blog_id=82/entry_id=4313" title="Taniguchi Talk - Does the WTO Really Settle International Trade Disputes?" />
    <id>tag:blogs.usyd.edu.au,2009:/japaneselaw//82.4313</id>
    
    <published>2009-07-31T15:33:27Z</published>
    <updated>2009-07-31T11:52:06Z</updated>
    
    <summary>Professor Yasuhei Taniguchi presented a public lecture on this topic on 30 July at Sydney Law School, as part of the 2009 Distinguished Speakers series commemorating the inauguration of its new building in February. Drawing on his experience as a...</summary>
    <author>
        <name>Luke Nottage</name>
        <uri>www.law.usyd.edu.au/anjel</uri>
    </author>
            <category term="Dispute resolution" />
            <category term="Public policy and politics" />
    
    <content type="html" xml:lang="en" xml:base="http://blogs.usyd.edu.au/japaneselaw/">
        <![CDATA[<p><a href="http://www.law.usyd.edu.au/anjel/content/anjel_people_vis.html">Professor Yasuhei Taniguchi</a> presented a public lecture on this topic on 30 July at Sydney Law School, as part of the 2009 Distinguished Speakers series commemorating the inauguration of its <a href="http://www.law.usyd.edu.au/about/new_building_open.shtml">new building</a> in February. Drawing on his experience as a world-renowned civil law professor, arbitrator and WTO adjudicator, Taniguchi-sensei focused mainly on points of similarity and difference between the WTO dispute resolution system and national courts. His conclusion was a qualified "yes", despite the main challenges still afflicting trade law litigation among states through the WTO system - the topic of a one-day <a href="http://www.usyd.edu.au/news/law/457.html?eventcategoryid=39&eventid=4213">symposium on 14 August</a>, also at Sydney Law School.</p>]]>
        <![CDATA[<p>By Professor Yasuhei Taniguchi (former Chair of the WTO Appellate Body; Of Counsel, Matsuo and Kosugi; Emeritus Professor, Kyoto University):<br />
 <br />
The WTO dispute settlement system has been acclaimed as having brought a true “judiciary” into international society, where power had often prevailed over justice.  In modern states like Australia and Japan, individuals and small firms now often succeed in litigation against large firms or the government.  Similar situations sometimes arise nowadays under the WTO dispute settlement system, underway since 1995. Examples of small countries (and small industries) succeeding against much larger interests include Antigua v US (internet gambling) and Peru v EC (sardines). Such outcomes would have been inconceivable under the previous regime, centred on diplomatic settlement of disputes.<br />
The WTO system does share many characteristics with a national judiciary. It has compulsory jurisdiction, lacking even in the International Court of Justice (despite the latter’s grandiose name and appearance). It involves full adversarial hearings and fact finding by a Panel. The “reverse consensus” rule means that in practice a Panel’s report is as final as a national court’s judgment (despite the formality of its adoption by the DSB, an assembly of all WTO member states). There is review on points of law by the Appellate Body, whose report is similarly final. There are also certain mechanisms for enforcement of an adopted report. All these features indicate “judicialisiation” of international trade dispute settlement through the WTO.</p>

<p>It is true, however, that the weakest aspect of the WTO system lies in the enforcement phase. The WTO has no supranational authority, and the system lacks means for direct coercion against a sovereign member state. Nevertheless, compliance by losing states is reasonably high (eg 83% over 1995-2004, compared to 68% in the ICJ – even without compulsory jurisdiction).</p>

<p>These are all positive elements in WTO dispute settlement. But there remain many challenges. The vast majority of (over 150) member states, especially developing countries, have never used the system because of lack of resources - human, material and otherwise. Business-government relationships can also affect the use of WTO dispute settlement as only a state can initiate action against another, even though the real party in interest may be certain businesses in both states. Expertise in WTO law is still limited to a narrow group. Transparency in public affairs also leads to a paradox: the more transparent a government strives to be overall, the more vulnerable it can become when subject to a specific WTO claim. And there are also certain in-built problems in the system. These involve the lack of retroactive effect for recommendations and rulings, difficulties in compliance panel proceedings, cumbersome and ineffective retaliation mechanisms, and so on. </p>

<p>Dispute settlement is also limited by WTO agreements’ scope (although a non-violation claim is possible, as in the Kodak-Fuji dispute). For example, there is no WTO agreement on investment in general, after it was dropped during the Uruguay Round. So bilateral (and now regional) investment treaties, or chapters in Free Trade Agreements, are increasingly relied upon. These often now allow a private investor to claim directly against the host state, usually through ICSID arbitration. Although current developments in investment arbitration are extremely interesting, the whole emerging field would be dramatically changed if a WTO investment agreement were realised in the present Doha Round.</p>

<p>Generally, despite its many current shortcomings, WTO dispute settlement has proved remarkably significant. It has provided the first permanent transnational mechanism helping considerably in bringing about the rule of law in economic affairs, while underpinning rapid growth in the world economy. Both Australia and Japan have been major beneficiaries of this system, and share responsibility to keep improving it.</p>

<p>***</p>

<p>Professor Taniguchi is renowned in Japan and world-wide – particularly throughout the US, Europe and China – for his expertise in insolvency law, civil procedure, arbitration and the World Trade Organization. He taught mainly at Kyoto University, advising on major law reform initiatives in Japan. He has arbitrated dozens of cross-border commercial disputes (especially under ICC Rules), was a judge on the WTO Appellate Body over 2000-7, and is Of Counsel in Matsuo & Kosugi (Tokyo). Professor Taniguchi is an ICCA Council member, president of the Japan Association of Arbitrators, and a former Vice-President of the International Association of Procedural Law. He has been a Visiting Professor at numerous leading universities in four countries, advises the Sydney Centre of International Law, and is the ANJeL/CAPLUS Research Visitor at Sydney Law School over July-August 2009. His other speaking engagements include keynote presentations at the ANZSIL conference in July, the symposium of the Australasian Forum for International Arbitration on 7 August, and the one-day symposium reviewing the WTO’s Dispute Settlement Understanding on 14 August.</p>]]>
    </content>
</entry>
<entry>
    <title>China, national security, and investment treaties</title>
    <link rel="alternate" type="text/html" href="http://blogs.usyd.edu.au/japaneselaw/2009/07/china_national_security_and_in.html" />
    <link rel="service.edit" type="application/atom+xml" href="http://blogs.usyd.edu.au/mt/mt-atom.cgi/weblog/blog_id=82/entry_id=4300" title="China, national security, and investment treaties" />
    <id>tag:blogs.usyd.edu.au,2009:/japaneselaw//82.4300</id>
    
    <published>2009-07-23T15:49:34Z</published>
    <updated>2009-07-26T06:37:29Z</updated>
    
    <summary>Peter Drysdale’s weekly editorial for the East Asia Forum, along with related postings to that blog and enormous media attention in Australia and elsewhere, focuses ‘on the continuing detention of Rio Tinto executive, Stern Hu, in Shanghai on allegations of...</summary>
    <author>
        <name>Luke Nottage</name>
        <uri>www.law.usyd.edu.au/anjel</uri>
    </author>
            <category term="Asia-Pacific regional architecture" />
            <category term="Corporate governance and FDI" />
            <category term="Dispute resolution" />
    
    <content type="html" xml:lang="en" xml:base="http://blogs.usyd.edu.au/japaneselaw/">
        <![CDATA[<p>Peter Drysdale’s weekly editorial for the <a href="http://www.eastasiaforum.org/2009/07/20/weekly-editorial-stern-hu-and-the-chinese-steel-industry/">East Asia Forum</a>,  along with related postings to that blog and enormous media attention in Australia and elsewhere, focuses ‘on the continuing detention of Rio Tinto executive, Stern Hu, in Shanghai on allegations of espionage’. Drysdale signposts some future analysis of ‘the legal framework under which Hu’s detention has taken place’. He also emphasises that we need ‘a cooperative framework—bilaterally, regionally and globally‘ for ‘China’s authorities to avoid damage to the reliability of markets and for Australia to avoid the perception of investment protectionism’. The most pressing legal (and diplomatic) issues concern China’s criminal justice system, especially when ‘national security’ is allegedly involved. But we need already to consider some broader ramifications, including how we think about FDI legislation and (increasingly intertwined) investment treaty protections. </p>

<p>In short, most agree that the Chinese government got annoyed when Australia itself invoked national security interests to restrict <a href="http://www.smh.com.au/national/doubts-over-oz-decision-20090331-9i9t.html">Minmetals bid for OZ Minerals</a> back in March 2009.   Then it got really annoyed when Chinalco’s bid for Rio Tinto fell through, even though the Australian government wasn’t directly involved. And so, one story goes, Stern Hu has been arrested to send a message – in the hope that Australia (and other potential host states) will be think twice before invoking national security exceptions to restrict future FDI from China. The China-watchers are better placed to decide whether this is really the motivation behind his arrest. My point here is rather that we should not be surprised that host states may be increasingly tempted to invoke exceptions to limit FDI at the outset, which in turn generates risks of (over-)reactions by home states, as we may be witnessing in Hu’s case. And the initial temptation may arise due to proliferating investor-state arbitration provisions in investment treaties, because those later restrict their room to invoke national security or other limits once the FDI has been approved.</p>]]>
        <![CDATA[<p>The starting point is that even today states retain considerable sovereignty when it comes to deciding what foreign investments are and are not permitted into their territories. Investment treaties – bilateral and now sometimes regional, either stand-alone or folded into broader Free Trade Agreements) – now often entrench substantive liberalisation. But these treaties still generally do not apply extensively to the pre-establishment phase, leaving that instead basically to national FDI legislation, and/or they maintain exceptions for national security or national interest. So even if Australia and China conclude their current FTA negotiations to make it broadly easier for firms from either country to invest in the other, that sort of exception is likely to be remain. We could therefore quite easily get another Minmetals – OZ Minerals situation.</p>

<p>Such overt up-front substantive restrictions on investments became less noticeable over the 1990s, especially in developed countries like Australia, as competition for FDI burgeoned world-wide. But now they may be on the rise again, with <a href="www.unctad.org/en/docs/webdiaeia20099_en.pdf">UNCTAD monitoring trends</a> carefully.  Concerns have grown about sovereign wealth funds, for example, as well as China’s push to secure resources directly (rather than through long-term contracts with smaller equity stakes, the longer-standing approach by Japanese companies active in Australia). And after an initial period where countries were desperate to attract funds after the GFC, those market collapses are perhaps forcing a rethink of (explicit or mostly implicit) models based on the merits of lightly regulated markets.</p>

<p>However, part of the recent shift may be due to the growing importance of investor-state arbitration provisions in investment treaties. Under these procedural rights, the investor can claim directly against the host state for breaching substantive protections (such as <a href="http://www.greens.org.nz/node/19008">expropriations</a>,  ‘national treatment’ or transparent ‘fair and equitable treatment’) for investments that have been made. Thus, for example, the <a href="http://www.chinafta.govt.nz/1-The-agreement/2-Text-of-the-agreement/index.php">NZ-China FTA</a> contains full investor-state arbitration provisions.  It also has a narrow exception for certain ‘essential security interests’ (Art 201). However, more importantly, that FTA anyway does not extend full protections to the pre-establishment phase. For example, Art 138 on ‘national treatment’ - treating the foreign investors like national investors - does not extend to the initial ‘establishment’ of the investment (cf eg <a href="http://www.asean.fta.govt.nz/chapter-11-investment/">ASEAN-Australia-NZ FTA</a> chapter 11 Art 4; or China-ASEAN FTA regarding services: Cai Congyan, ‘China-US BIT Negotiations and the Future of Investment Treaty Regime’, 12(2) JIEL 457 (2009) at 470). So NZ, for example, can maintain quite a broad national interest test for FDI, especially regarding ‘sensitive land’, under the <a href="http://www.legislation.govt.nz/act/public/2005/0082/latest/DLM356881.html">Overseas Investment Act 2005</a>.  (That FDI legislation was <a href="http://www.nbr.co.nz/article/overseas-investment-act-review-keep-it-simple-says-lawyer-85563">recently subject to review</a>, and some <a href="http://www.linz.govt.nz/overseas-investment/about-oio/news/2009/0709-regulations-amendment/index.aspx">regulations were changed in July</a>.)</p>

<p>Even without investor-state arbitration provisions in treaties, there may be somewhat more likelihood nowadays of the foreign investor being able to get their home state to bring a claim in public international law (say before the International Court of Justice) against the host state. This indirect means of protecting investors (‘diplomatic protection’) has been unpopular among investor and indeed prompted the development of investor-state arbitration, cemented particularly through investment treaties. The aversion to diplomatic protection was partly due to legal complications, such as the need first to exhaust remedies in the host state. But two major practical problems were that there was usually no obligation for the home state to pass on any compensation obtained from the host state to its investor, and the home state often hesitated to claim anyway in order to maintain a good broader relationship with the host state. </p>

<p>However, the experience of WTO dispute resolution shows how states often now sue each other over other economic issues, with interested industries or firms egging them on (think of Microsoft and the US enforcing TRIPS obligations) despite ‘compensation’ not flowing through directly to them. And investment disputes, thanks to burgeoning arbitrations that are brought directly by investors against hosts, are likewise increasingly seen as economic rather than political or diplomatic disputes. They too are seen to be appropriately capable of resolution through a much more ‘judicialised’ procedure, compared to even a decade ago. Thus, at least over the medium- to long-term, we may see some revival of diplomatic protection claims on behalf of foreign investors even where investment treaties lack investor-state arbitration provisions.</p>

<p>Either way, the indirect or increasingly direct threat of a claim about an investment that has been made provides an incentive for a host state to rely more on residual exceptions to allowing investments in the first place, such as the national security exception in national legislation or treaties. If so, we are likely to see more cases like that involving Stern Hu. That is, the (more broadly frustrated) home state of a frustrated investor reacts – even in a later context – against what it may have perceived as over-eager invocation of the national security exception. The irony in this case, perhaps intentional, is that China is now using its own national security law against a citizen of Australia. But it would be particularly unfair to make an example of an individual for the actions of his country, particularly when employed by a firm (Rio Tinto) not involved in Australia’s original invocation of the national security exception currently retained in its FDI legislation.</p>

<p>These sorts of issues are likely to become even more acute in light of some very recent developments in investment treaty arbitration practice (<a href="http://www.iareporter.com/index_free_archive.html">Investment Arbitration Reporter</a> 2(11), 29 June 2009).  In cases involving treaties with Russia and now China, tribunals have ruled that provisions that seemed to restrict arbitrations to quantification of compensation amounts should be read to extend arbitrability to the question of whether expropriation took place. Thus, even first- or second-generation investment treaties with China (including Australia’s dating back to 1988) may already apply far more extensively than almost everyone had thought (cf eg Gallagher and Shan, <em>Chinese Investment Treaties</em>, OUP 2009). In any event, China is renegotiating such treaties or concluding ones with new partners (like NZ) that clearly allow arbitrability of all issues. The backdrop is that China is now a major FDI-exporter, with <a href="http://www.law.usyd.edu.au/scil/pdf/2009/SCILWP21_NottageWeeramantry.pdf">Chinese investors already beginning to bring claims abroad</a> – although so far no investor (or law firm wanting to do other business in China!) has risked claiming against China. </p>

<p>If these trends continue, namely direct investor-state arbitration provisions are concluded or reinterpreted to restrict the ability of home states to have second thoughts about foreign investments once they have been accepted, it seems to me that they will become more cautious when allowing in FDI in the first place. But if host states do impose restrictions, somewhere down the line they may experience a ‘Hu’ reaction from the frustrated home state. If so, then how Australia in turn reacts to China’s detention of Hu will be very important for the evolving field of investment treaty law and practice more broadly – the subject of a <a href="http://www.usyd.edu.au/news/law/457.html?eventcategoryid=37&eventid=4307">major conference at Sydney Law School over 19-20 February 2010</a>. </p>]]>
    </content>
</entry>
<entry>
    <title>Arb-Med and New International Commercial Mediation Rules in Japan</title>
    <link rel="alternate" type="text/html" href="http://blogs.usyd.edu.au/japaneselaw/2009/07/arbmed_and_new_international_c_1.html" />
    <link rel="service.edit" type="application/atom+xml" href="http://blogs.usyd.edu.au/mt/mt-atom.cgi/weblog/blog_id=82/entry_id=4308" title="Arb-Med and New International Commercial Mediation Rules in Japan" />
    <id>tag:blogs.usyd.edu.au,2009:/japaneselaw//82.4308</id>
    
    <published>2009-07-20T14:58:42Z</published>
    <updated>2009-10-16T08:05:25Z</updated>
    
    <summary>A recent issue of the Japan Commercial Arbitration Association (JCAA) Newsletter is largely devoted to these topics (No 22, July 2009). Sydney Law School and ANJeL are privileged to host not only one of Japan’s doyens in ICA (and other...</summary>
    <author>
        <name>Luke Nottage</name>
        <uri>www.law.usyd.edu.au/anjel</uri>
    </author>
            <category term="Dispute resolution" />
            <category term="Japanese Law" />
    
    <content type="html" xml:lang="en" xml:base="http://blogs.usyd.edu.au/japaneselaw/">
        <![CDATA[<p>A recent issue of the Japan Commercial Arbitration Association (JCAA) Newsletter is largely devoted to these topics (<a href="http://www.jcaa.or.jp/e/arbitration-e/syuppan-e/newslet/newslist.html">No 22, July 2009</a>). <a href="http://www.law.usyd.edu.au/anjel/content/anjel_people_vis.html">Sydney Law School and ANJeL</a> are privileged to host not only one of Japan’s doyens in ICA (and other cross-border dispute resolution, especially WTO procedures), Professor Yasuhei Taniguchi (over July-August 2009). We also welcome (over September – March 2010) Kokushikan University Professor Tatsuya Nakamura, a leader of Japan’s ‘new generation’ of arbitration specialists who heads JCAA’s Arbitration Department.</p>

<p>They have already <a href="http://www.law.usyd.edu.au/scigl/2007_docs_pdfs/ArbMed.pdf">got me thinking further about Arb-Med</a> (arbitrators encouraging parties to settle their dispute), in the context also of interesting new JCAA Rules focused more specifically on Mediation. Both developments are important for Australia, presently reviewing its legislative and institutional framework for international commercial arbitration (ICA), as well as for many <a href="http://blogs.usyd.edu.au/japaneselaw/2009/04/australias_less_lethargic_law.html">other Asia-Pacific countries</a> intensely interested nowadays in efficient mechanisms to resolve cross-border disputes.</p>]]>
        <![CDATA[<p>In the Newsletter (pp 10-12), Professor Nakamura presents an intriguing preliminary study of Arb-Med, which parties agreed to try in 48 (40%) out of 121 JCAA arbitrations that proceeded over 1999-2008.  About half (25 or 52%) of these attempts resulted in a settlement agreement (with 18 then recorded as a ‘consent award’), and involved terms proposed by the arbitrator(s) (28 or 58%). In most cases (37 or 77%), the arbitrators attempted settlement after all evidence had been presented, suggesting that they adopted an ‘evaluative’ rather than ‘facilitative’ style to mediation. Attempts were particularly common among arbitrators with civil law rather than common law backgrounds, with the former almost being mostly Japanese. Professor Nakamura suggests that the background of the parties themselves did not seem so important, however, because in the 7 out of 48 cases (15%) where at least one party was from a common law background, those parties did not oppose the arbitrators’ attempt to settlement.</p>

<p>I do have some doubts first about that last generalisation, as the parties in those 7 cases may be unrepresentative. Specifically, we should examine the background of the 73 cases where Arb-Med was not even attempted. If there is a considerable number of cases where parties are from a common law background, it could be that arbitrators did not suggest Arb-Med because they felt (rightly or wrongly) that they might be rebuffed. So we could infer that party background can be significant after all. </p>

<p>Secondly, I would be interested to know more about the background of the parties’ legal advisors (especially outside counsel). For example, in the 7 cases where the parties didn’t oppose Arb-Med overtures, did the common law background parties engage civil law (especially Japanese) lawyers? I would expect English lawyers to be the most reticent about Arb-Med. Even more so than American lawyers, who not only have longer familiarity with ADR even in connection with court proceedings (since the 1980s), but also are trained in a less formalist variant of the common law (reflected also in less objection, for example, to the <a href="http://ssrn.com/abstract=880388">lex mercatoria</a>).</p>

<p>Thirdly, have Arb-Med attempts have been increasing over this ten-year period? Professor Taniguchi, in private conversation, has a sense that instead they may have been decreasing. Indeed, Professor Nakamura himself downplayed the tendency for Arb-Med to occur in JCAA arbitrations when writing in an article published in 2001 (18 JoIA p641). This was partly in justifiable reaction to some continued critiques about various allegedly distinctive features of JCAA arbitrations (including by one of my former USydney students: Thirgood, ibid p177). Leading Japanese arbitrators like Professor Taniguchi had also publically questioned whether Arb-Med was appropriate for international arbitrations in Japan, at least at this stage of its development, despite renewed advocacy for this hybrid procedure  advanced by other leaders such as Professor Toshio Sawada (see <a href="http://ssrn.com/abstract=838025">my 2004 article</a>, with further references). But there is growing evidence that <a href="http://ssrn.com/abstract=1378722">costs - even more so than delays, perhaps</a> - are re-emerging as a major problem in ICA world-wide. And so the winds may be shifting in Japan too – towards more positive assessments and usage of measures like Arb-Med that promise greater efficiencies in cross-border dispute resolution. </p>

<p>Fourthly, however, it would be helpful to know more about a key issue in current debates world-wide about Arb-Med: whether or how the arbitrators might meet separately which each party (‘caucusing’). As I have <a href="http://blogs.usyd.edu.au/japaneselaw/2009/07/international_investment_and_c.html">previously mentioned</a>, experts from European civil law jurisdictions (let alone the Anglo-Australian variant of the common law tradition) generally remain skeptical about this, due to concerns about natural justice and (apparent or actual) bias tainting the arbitrators. By contrast, Professor Nakamura tells me that caucusing is very widely used in JCAA Arb-Med. (Similarly, this tends to occur in civil litigation before Japanese judges – unlike for example German judges, who actively encourage settlement but in open session.)</p>

<p>I don’t have so much problem with caucusing when combined with a more facilitative approach to mediation, eg rephrasing and relaying one party’s argument to the other where parties have become too emotional or otherwise incapable of understanding what the other side is saying or proposing. I am also open to caucusing when, for instance, the parties have basically resolved major issues and only want Arb-Med to settle some remaining minor points. But I do have reservations when major issues and amounts are at stake. There can be a temptation for the arbitrator to indicate privately to one party that the other will settle within a particular range (even if the latter hasn’t really made that clear), and vice versa, in achieve a settlement. At least, a suspicion that this has occurred can arise, and it cannot easily be tested afterwards because of confidentiality obligations during the Arb-Med process. </p>

<p>For such reasons and others, like <a href="http://www.cedr.com/about_us/arbitration_commission/index.php">CEDR</a> I still prefer ‘no caucusing’ as the starting principle. And perhaps, if parties do get invited to caucus, they should be required to get separate professional legal (and practical) advice about such additional risks, as well as its possible benefits. They might then decide, for example, to allow caucusing but only in a more ‘facilitative’ style by the arbitrators, requiring the latter to try more ‘evaluative’ Arb-Med (eg proposing specific settlement terms or ranges) only in open session. Another possibility might be to allow one arbitrator to caucus in a more evaluative style, but retain a panel of three arbitrators to issue an award if settlement did not eventuate.</p>

<p>Interestingly, a commentary in the Newsletter by Mark Goodrich and Christopher Hunt regarding JCAA’s ‘New International Arbitration Commercial Mediation Rules’ quotes Professor Nakamura as believing ‘that lawyers be ideal candidates to be evaluative mediators but that more focus should be placed on training facilitative mediators, as the skills required for that approach are more subtle’ (p10). On the other hand, they report that the first mediation under these Rules (in mid-March) involved an evaluative approach, with ‘the two days of the mediation meeting … filled by oral submissions and questions from the panel of three mediators’ (p7). This suggests that little or no caucusing took place, or at least that it could be a realistic option for parties to cross-border disputes even in ‘pure’ mediation settings.</p>

<p>In other words, these new Mediation Rules could be used either as a more facilitative manner, leaving subsequent arbitrations to allow the possibility of more evaluative Arb-Med (with or even without caucusing). Or instead the new Rules could be used to have an evaluative-style mediation, possibly not even involving caucusing – although Rule 9.5 creates a default rule allowing it (subject to any contrary party agreement, however, as mediation naturally is rooted in consent).</p>

<p>Either way, however, it is important to note that Rule 8 allows a mediator subsequently to sit as an arbitrator simply ‘if the parties so agree’. Goodrich and Hunt argue that this differs from mediation rules for the ICC and SCC (Stockholm Chamber of Commerce), ‘where the starting assumption is that this should not happen’ (p8). They also contrast HKIAC Mediation Rule 14, prohibiting the mediator from later becoming the arbitrator even if parties so agree. (Presumably, if parties wish this they should instead commence arbitration, then allow Arb-Med but subject to the provisions of the Hong Kong Arbitration Ordinance – although in practice those Arb-Med provisions apparently are hardly ever used.) </p>

<p>I would also add that JCAA Mediation Rule 8 seems to allow even oral agreement. But if Japan’s Arbitration Act 2003 applies then agreement triggering the subsequent arbitration does have to be in writing (Japan has not adopted the revised <a href="www.uncitral.org">UNCITRAL ICA Model Law</a> variant that permits purely oral agreements) and arbitrator selection is anyway usually done by writing. By contrast, if the arbitration commences first, the Act requires any Arb-Med to be recorded in writing (unless – perhaps even orally! – the parties dispense with that writing requirement).</p>

<p>An even more important feature rightly highlighted by Goodrich and Hunt is JCAA Mediation Rule 11: if parties agree to settle, they can appoint the mediator as arbitrator to issue a consent award. They question whether the 1958 New York Convention regime will enforce ‘the somewhat artificial “award” as in this case’ (p8). However, they note that SCC Mediation Rule 11 has a similar provision. But I would point out that the latter’s effectiveness has been criticised too (Newmark and Hill, ‘Can A Mediated Settlement Become An Enforceable Arbitration Award?’ (2000) 16 Arb Int’l 81). For this reason too, it may be better to begin with an arbitration, then allow (in writing) Arb-Med under specified conditions (such as ‘no caucusing’). Indeed, parties could require the arbitrator to attempt settlement well before the evidentiary phase. This would also maximize the potential for time and cost savings, a major attraction of the new JCAA Mediation Rules.</p>

<p>That alternative would also avoid a third interesting feature: Rule 7.3 requires the mediator to ‘be independent in principle’ but remain always ‘impartial’ (although Rules 7.4 and 7.7 refer to ‘independence or impartiality’ in connection with the mediator’s disclosure requirements). By contrast, JCAA Arbitration Rule 28.1 demands both independence and impartiality of arbitrators. (Further, Article 5.4 of the <a href="www.uncitral.org">2002 UNCITRAL Model Law on International Commercial Conciliation</a> encourages appointment of mediators who are both independent and impartial.)</p>

<p>A final caveat highlighted by Goodrich and Hunt (p8) is that the confidentiality obligation in Mediation Rule 12.3 does not expressly cover all information disclosed in the mediation, and so may not extend to all documents produced during those proceedings. I would contrast Arbitration Rule 40.2, which refers to all ‘facts’ relating to the arbitration). That formulation could be another reason to chose arbitration but with additional consent to Arb-Med (pursuant to Arbitration Rule 47, and as allowed by Article 38.4 of the Japanese Act).</p>

<p>However, the alternative is to use the new JCAA Mediation Rules, trying to circumvent these issues as much as possible through further party agreement varying relevant rules or clarifying more precisely what is expected (and allowed) regarding the mediator. The Rules will also be useful for other arbitral institutions interested in updating their own rules on international mediation. For example, ACICA has an official ‘panel of mediators’ – albeit currently with <a href="http://www.acica.org.au/panel_mediators.html">only one person listed</a> – but its mediation rules are still based quite closely on the 1980 UNCITRAL Conciliation Rules. JCAA’s new Rules are also very welcome, especially when considered alongside the innovative study on Arb-Med by Professor Nakamura, for the growing number of other dispute resolution organisations and experts world-wide interested in developing best practice for arbitrators facilitating settlement.</p>]]>
    </content>
</entry>
<entry>
    <title>International Investment and Commercial Arbitration in Australia and Japan: Shared Challenges, Different Solutions?</title>
    <link rel="alternate" type="text/html" href="http://blogs.usyd.edu.au/japaneselaw/2009/07/international_investment_and_c.html" />
    <link rel="service.edit" type="application/atom+xml" href="http://blogs.usyd.edu.au/mt/mt-atom.cgi/weblog/blog_id=82/entry_id=4299" title="International Investment and Commercial Arbitration in Australia and Japan: Shared Challenges, Different Solutions?" />
    <id>tag:blogs.usyd.edu.au,2009:/japaneselaw//82.4299</id>
    
    <published>2009-07-20T09:49:17Z</published>
    <updated>2009-07-20T11:47:01Z</updated>
    
    <summary>Australia and Japan face a remarkably similar challenge. Few international arbitrations have their seat in either country, despite various initiatives undertaken over the last decade or two. Both Australia and Japan probably need to adapt quite radical measures to overcome...</summary>
    <author>
        <name>Luke Nottage</name>
        <uri>www.law.usyd.edu.au/anjel</uri>
    </author>
            <category term="Dispute resolution" />
            <category term="Japanese Law" />
    
    <content type="html" xml:lang="en" xml:base="http://blogs.usyd.edu.au/japaneselaw/">
        <![CDATA[<p>Australia and Japan face a remarkably similar challenge. <a href="http://blogs.usyd.edu.au/japaneselaw/2009/04/australias_less_lethargic_law.html">Few international arbitrations</a> have their seat in either country, despite various initiatives undertaken over the last decade or two. Both Australia and Japan probably need to adapt quite radical measures to overcome remaining barriers to attracting international arbitration activity to their respective shores. This shared problem is serious not just because their arbitrators, lawyers, institutions or local economies miss out on business – after all, at least the arbitrators and lawyers can still earn fees by deploying their skills in arbitrations further abroad. The problem is serious also because low levels of international arbitration activity in both countries limit the potential to develop domestic arbitration, ADR more generally, and indeed effective civil procedure.</p>

<p>Despite the shared challenge, however, quite radical solutions for each country may differ somewhat. Expedited arbitration procedures may be a particular selling point for Australia, but not Japan. Caucusing in Arb-Med may work in Japan, but not Australia. And Japan may have more scope than Australia to develop international arbitration through a ‘whole-of-government’ approach that promotes investment arbitration provisions, for example, even in treaties with other developed countries.<br />
</p>]]>
        <![CDATA[<p>Few international arbitrations in either country persist despite, firstly, striking differences in background ‘general culture’ (predominantly British/Irish in Australia, plus diverse <a href="http://blogs.usyd.edu.au/japaneselaw/2009/06/multicultural_japan_policy_law.html">immigrant groups</a> particularly since the 1970s); and, arguably more importantly, in ‘legal culture’ (the strict English variant of the common law in Australia; a considerable Franco-German civil law legacy in Japan). This makes it harder to advance a straightforward ‘<a href="http://www.asianlii.org/jp/other/JPLRes/2008/1.html">culturalist</a>’ (or ‘Asian Values’) explanation for low levels of arbitration activity. That becomes even more questionable in light of empirical evidence that <a href="http://ssrn.com/abstract=837906">Japanese corporations</a> quite frequently appear before arbitral institutions (and even national courts) outside Japan, and regularly include arbitration clauses in their cross-border contracts.  More anecdotal evidence suggests the same for Australian corporations. They often use arbitration too, but the seat still tends to be located abroad - albeit perhaps increasingly in other parts of the Asia-Pacific, not just held in the traditional European or US ‘core’ of the arbitration world.</p>

<p>There are also problems with a second explanation sometimes given for low levels of arbitration and litigation activity within Japan, and potentially elsewhere – including therefore Australia. An ‘economic rationalist’ paradigm focuses instead on predictability of substantive law (and, by extension, procedural law). If the outcomes (and processes) are reasonably certain, parties will not persist with the formal proceeding. Instead, they will negotiate out or mediate the dispute, thus jointly saving the costs involved. This theory may help explain why the US, in particular, has quite a lot of domestic arbitration activity – parties wish to avoid the uncertainties of jury trials and so on even in civil trials. But it doesn’t explain why Japan has low levels of domestic arbitration, despite more much more predictable court processes. The theory becomes even more intractable when extended to international arbitrations,  in an attempt to explain few cases with their seat in Japan or Australia.</p>

<p>This leaves a third explanation, also derived originally from literature comparing civil litigation rates. ‘Institutional barriers’ dissuade parties from choosing <a href="http://ssrn.com/abstract=838025">Japan</a> or Australia as the seat for their arbitrations. For example, court costs and legal fees in Japan are quite reasonable; unlike judges, arbitrators are not subsidised by the state.  Initially it was uncertain whether even ‘foreign law solicitors’ resident in Japan could represent clients in international arbitrations. There were also concerns about the skills of bengoshi lawyers and of Japanese arbitrators in international arbitration. And Japan’s arbitration legislation dated back to 1898.</p>

<p>Yet the legislature clarified the foreign lawyers issue in 1996, and in 2003 enacted an Arbitration Act based on the UNCITRAL Model Law (admittedly, in the context of broader reforms that simultaneously made <a href="http://ssrn.com/abstract=837864">civil litigation more attractive as well</a>). Australia resolved both issues in 1989, although its <a href="http://ssrn.com/abstract=1378722">International Arbitration Act is currently under review and court decisions have been less pro-arbitration</a> than those of Japanese courts (especially when enforcing foreign arbitral awards). Both Australia and now Japan also have an emerging ‘new generation’ of arbitration law experts – lawyers, arbitrators and professors.</p>

<p>Do these recent parallels therefore suggest that international arbitrations will increase significantly in both countries? This paper suggests that this is unlikely, unless some fairly radical measures are taken. One reason is that a major barrier remains fairly insurmountable: geography. Why come all the way down to Australia or across to Japan, especially given their limited caseloads so far? Especially now that more convenient venues like Hong Kong and Singapore have attracted much larger caseloads and experience since the 1990s, also boasting quite similar attractions (Model Law based legislation, experts, independent and professional courts supportive of arbitration). All the more so, now that countries like Korea are also devoting significant resources in an attempt to share in some of their success. </p>

<p>A second reason is that the governments in neither Japan nor Australia appear prepared to devote so much time or resources to compete for business in the Asia-Pacific. If they were, we would have expected a much earlier and ambitious set of reforms to international (and domestic) arbitration in Australia. We would also have expected a more flexible approach to have emerged regarding investment treaty arbitration, which has significant synergies with commercial arbitration despite the <a href="http://ssrn.com/abstract=1151167">greater public interests</a> involved.  At present, in negotiating BITs and FTAs, it seems that Australia maintains a simplistic position: ‘no investment arbitration provisions with developed countries’.</p>

<p>Japan adopts a more nuanced position in this last respect (for example, including such provisions in its FTA with Switzerland recently), although perhaps because it is often a net capital exporter even vis-à-vis other developed countries. <a href="http://www.law.usyd.edu.au/scil/pdf/2009/SCILWP21_NottageWeeramantry.pdf">Promoting investment treaty arbitration</a> provisions and reforms may therefore be one way that Japan can develop a somewhat higher profile in international arbitration more generally.</p>

<p>But another and more direct way is to take develop a feature of JCAA (and presumably TOMAC) arbitration: a tradition of <a href="http://www.jcaa.or.jp/e/arbitration-e/syuppan-e/newslet/newslist.html">arbitrators encouraging settlement</a> during the proceedings, especially - according to a recent study by ANJeL Research Visitor Professor Tatsuya Nakamura - if they come from a civil law or Japanese background.  However, it seems that almost all such attempts include ‘caucusing’ (arbitrators meeting separately with parties). This is unusual even for civil law arbitrators, at least from the Germanic tradition, and is not recommended in recent international initiatives from the likes of <a href="http://www.cedr.com/about_us/arbitration_commission/">CEDR</a>.  So Japan can either revise its practice, or try to turn this ‘caucusing’ feature into a distinctive marketing advantage. The CIArb in Australia is currently developing Arb-Med rules that do allow for caucusing, but ACICA’s Rules Subcommittee prefers the CEDR approach. Even the latter version of ‘Arb-Med’ will represent quite a radical measure to try to increase Australia’s attractiveness vis-à-vis countries like Singapore and Hong Kong (which do not actively engage in Arb-Med, in fact, despite provisions in their Acts).</p>

<p>A final and quite radical way forward for Australia is to promote Expedited Arbitration. By insisting that an oral hearing is used only exceptionally (<a href="www.acica.org.au">Rule 13.2</a>),  and even then potentially using internet-based videoconferencing, it can overcome the tyranny of distance. By keeping costs down more generally, Australia can distinguish itself from other venues around the Asia-Pacific. On the other hand, Japan may have a comparative advantage in regular proceedings, especially larger-scale and more complex arbitrations. After all, to venture a cross-cultural over-generalisation: the Japanese pride themselves on being meticulous, whereas the Australian ethos is to get the job done quickly – even if this means cutting some corners or not getting it quite right.</p>]]>
    </content>
</entry>
<entry>
    <title>Law and Community: A Critical Reassessment of American Liberalism and Japanese Modernity</title>
    <link rel="alternate" type="text/html" href="http://blogs.usyd.edu.au/japaneselaw/2009/07/law_and_community_a_critical_r.html" />
    <link rel="service.edit" type="application/atom+xml" href="http://blogs.usyd.edu.au/mt/mt-atom.cgi/weblog/blog_id=82/entry_id=4296" title="Law and Community: A Critical Reassessment of American Liberalism and Japanese Modernity" />
    <id>tag:blogs.usyd.edu.au,2009:/japaneselaw//82.4296</id>
    
    <published>2009-07-19T05:18:40Z</published>
    <updated>2009-07-17T05:44:10Z</updated>
    
    <summary>This is the title of our translated and edited collection of essays written in Japanese over the last two decades by a leading legal sociologist in East Asia and world-wide, Professor Takao Tanase (in press, forthcoming January 2010 from Edward...</summary>
    <author>
        <name>Luke Nottage</name>
        <uri>www.law.usyd.edu.au/anjel</uri>
    </author>
            <category term="Japanese Law" />
    
    <content type="html" xml:lang="en" xml:base="http://blogs.usyd.edu.au/japaneselaw/">
        <![CDATA[<p>This is the title of our translated and edited collection of essays written in Japanese over the last two decades by a leading legal sociologist in East Asia and world-wide, Professor <a href="http://www.chuo-u.ac.jp/chuo-u/lawschool/tanase_takao_j.html">Takao Tanase</a> (in press, forthcoming January 2010 from Edward Elgar). Leon Wolff and I hope to present an outline at the Inaugural East Asian Law and Society Conference to be held on 5-6 February 2010 at the University of Hong Kong, supported by a Collaborative Research Network within the (originally US-based) <a href="http://www.lawandsociety.org/International/IC_sum.htm">Law and Society Association</a>.</p>

<p>Tanase’s empirically-based critique of legal legalism is important not only for the United States, which tends to represent an extreme case. It also helps in assessing developments in East Asian countries increasingly exposed or attracted to American views of how law does and should relate to society, including Japan - but also perhaps China (see eg Tanase, 27(3) <a href="http://students.law.umich.edu/mjil/">Mich J Int’l Law</a>, 2006). Tanase’s neo-communitarian critique also presents a challenge to liberalism more generally, making his reassessment particularly timely for two reasons. First, the Global Financial Crisis was prompted partly by a particular <a href="http://blogs.usyd.edu.au/japaneselaw/2009/06/neoclassical_and_chicago_schoo.html">liberal vision of how markets do or should operate</a>. Secondly, countries like Japan have now experienced <a href="http://blogs.usyd.edu.au/japaneselaw/2009/07/who_defends_japan_government_l.html">a decade of reform discussions and initiatives</a> allegedly aimed at “Americanising” the judicial system and the legal profession.</p>]]>
        <![CDATA[<p>Our presentation begins by introducing Tanase’s hermeneutic approach, sceptical about sharp distinctions between facts and norms, as applied especially to lawyers’ ethics. We then briefly sketch the key arguments and findings in ensuing chapters of Tanase’s book, including family law, tort law and constitutionalism. (See also my <a href="http://ssrn.com/abstract=921932">earlier round-up</a>, along with o<a href="http://www.law.berkeley.edu/2016.htm">thers' reactions to our draft translations featured at a Sho Sato conference at UC Berkeley</a> some years ago.) We then devote considerable attention to the final chapter of the book, which addresses a longstanding bone of contention among those developing and applying various paradigms or theories about how law interacts with society in Japan (and potentially elsewhere): civil litigation rates. Tanase’s quantitative data, updated for this presentation, show the pull and power of social norms and structures – or community – in relation to the law. The empirical studies undertaken by others, combined with Tanase’s interpretative framework, reinforce this lesson in the other socio-legal fields discussed.</p>

<p>Our presentation concludes first by suggesting, like Tanase, that this vision of law and society or community not only better describes the world around us. It also holds some normative insights, although Tanase’s theory also requires us to be critical also of certain types of community relations. Perhaps it is not such a bad thing, for example, for judicial system reform to proceed in Japan more slowly or less pervasively than hoped for by some proponents of liberal legalism.</p>

<p>Lastly, we locate Tanase’s results and approach within the broader and evolving academic literature in English on Japanese Law. In particular, his work goes well beyond an earlier “culturalist” paradigm, joining a growing corpus of work that take culture and social norms more seriously in a variety of sophisticated ways (Nottage, 39(4) VUWLR 755, 2009).</p>]]>
    </content>
</entry>
<entry>
    <title>Who Defends Japan? Government Lawyers and Judicial System Reform in Japan and Australia</title>
    <link rel="alternate" type="text/html" href="http://blogs.usyd.edu.au/japaneselaw/2009/07/who_defends_japan_government_l.html" />
    <link rel="service.edit" type="application/atom+xml" href="http://blogs.usyd.edu.au/mt/mt-atom.cgi/weblog/blog_id=82/entry_id=4257" title="Who Defends Japan? Government Lawyers and Judicial System Reform in Japan and Australia" />
    <id>tag:blogs.usyd.edu.au,2009:/japaneselaw//82.4257</id>
    
    <published>2009-07-12T22:33:05Z</published>
    <updated>2009-07-25T10:36:08Z</updated>
    
    <summary>At the JSAA-ICJLE conference held at UNSW over 13-16 July 2009, I presented a pathbreaking comparative introduction into how the Japanese government delivers legal services, especially the central government in its high volume of litigated cases. (I also contributed to...</summary>
    <author>
        <name>Luke Nottage</name>
        <uri>www.law.usyd.edu.au/anjel</uri>
    </author>
            <category term="Japanese Law" />
    
    <content type="html" xml:lang="en" xml:base="http://blogs.usyd.edu.au/japaneselaw/">
        <![CDATA[<p>At the <a href="http://jsaa-icjle2009.arts.unsw.edu.au/en/index.html">JSAA-ICJLE conference held at UNSW over 13-16 July 2009</a>, I presented a pathbreaking comparative introduction into how the Japanese government delivers legal services, especially the central government in its high volume of litigated cases. (I also contributed to a panel discussion on ""Bridging the Gap between Japanese Language and Japanese Legal Studies" - click <a href="http://www.law.usyd.edu.au/anjel/content/anjel_events_up.html">here</a> for abstracts and Powerpoints.) </p>

<p><a href="http://blogs.usyd.edu.au/japaneselaw/JSAApanel.jpg"><img alt="JSAApanel.jpg" src="http://blogs.usyd.edu.au/japaneselaw/JSAApanel-thumb.jpg" width="400" height="300" /></a></p>

<p>This presentation was based on a draft paper co-authored with Ritsumeikan University Associate Professor Stephen Green, a former lawyer for the Australian government and joint <a href="http://www.law.usyd.edu.au/anjel/content/anjel_people_prog.html">ANJeL-in-Japan Program Convenor</a>, and Meiji University political scientist Professor Shinichi Nishikawa. We are bringing together a detailed manuscript for a law journal, as well as a shorter version for the next proposed book by Wolff, Nottage & Anderson (eds) <em>Who Judges Japanese Law? Popular Participation in Japan’s Legal Process</em>. Our analysis begins to fill a significant gap in the literature comparing Japan’s legal profession. This lacuna is all the more surprising, given Japan’s efforts at comprehensive reform of its judicial system underway since 2001.</p>]]>
        <![CDATA[<p>Commentators outside Japan have shown inordinate interest in the profession, but tend to focus on certain issues such as foreign lawyers’ practice in Japan. Analysis of the legal profession is now complemented by much writing on Japan’s reforms to legal education. Those reforms are part of a (somewhat stalled) <a href="http://www.law.usyd.edu.au/anjel/documents/ResearchPublications/Results_of_Japans_first_National_Legal_Examination.pdf">expansion of numbers permitted each year to pass the National Legal Education</a> for qualification as a bengoshi lawyer, kenji prosecutor or (career) judge. The profession is also being liberalised by allowing quasi-lawyers, such as patent attorneys and shihoshoshi judicial scriveners, to represent clients in court to some extent as well as give legal advice out of court. </p>

<p>Such reforms form part of a broader deregulatory drive. This aims to shift Japan away from a system of socio-economic ordering through ex ante regulation primarily by public authorities, and towards a system based on private initiative, including more indirect ordering in the shadow of more credible claims for ex post relief if socio-economic actors deviate from the new rules. Access to the courts (and to Alternative Dispute Resolution) has therefore been strengthened for private law claims. And the Administrative Case Litigation Act was amended in 2004, loosening standing requirements and the like, to further constrain bureaucratic discretion.</p>

<p>Opinions diverge as to the short- and long-term impact of the judicial reform package. One way to test that, and also fill the gap in the literature, is to examine whether there have been any major changes in the way the Japanese government defends administrative and private law cases. In particular, our paper explore the evolving roles and activities of shomu kenji, based in the Ministry of Justice (MoJ).</p>

<p>We first find that there has not been any large aggregate increase in administrative law cases under the revised Act, nor indeed in other litigation involving the government. However, more litigation has emerged in certain categories, such as claims under official information disclosure law (leading also, for example, to more “taxpayers’ suits” claiming wasteful expenditures by officials). There also seems to be more variance, hence the risk of large losses, as in tax litigation. Secondly, following further <a href="http://ssrn.com/abstract=837864">reforms to civil and court procedure</a> in recent years, the pace at which cases proceed through trial has accelerated somewhat. Thirdly, the government lost some major cases around 2006 (hepatitis, lung disease, and nuclear incident victims) and is now facing further large-scale claims (<a href="http://ssrn.com/abstract=929941">asbestos</a>).</p>

<p>So far, however, the system centred on shomu kenji has not changed too much. Specialised litigation involving competition or patent law remains the province of the JFTC and JPO anyway, under separate litigation. Litigation involving local governments is left largely to them, and they outsource this work to local bengoshi. The MoJ shares tax litigation extensively with National Tax Agency officials, acting like solicitors but also given the power by the MoJ to appear in court with shomu kenji as (senior) barristers. The Minister also nominates shitei dairinin from other ministries, notably now the Health Ministry in regard to suits that must proceed through the courts regarding hepatitis C claims, but within a framework now set by legislation.</p>

<p>Within the MoJ itself, shomu kenji mostly are rotated for one 3-year term from other (mostly criminal) work as kenji within the Ministry, or comprise judges seconded for 2-3 years (despite some doubts about this practice, from the perspective of the separation of powers)). The number of jimukan, usually with some legal training (but who have not passed the Examination) and who often can deal with mundane cases, has been increased to help process cases faster. Two more senior posts were added in 2006. But, except for large-scale and therefore long-term litigation, it remains rare for the MoJ to outsource work to bengoshi. Instead, it has used a 2004 Law allowing government departments to bring bengoshi in-house on contracts up to 5 years. This is linked to a strong preference to trying to maintain consistency and predictability in litigation practices – a preference also found among kenji in criminal prosecution work.</p>

<p>Thus, as <a href="http://ssrn.com/abstract=921932">Takao Tanase</a> suggests more generally, organisational and social structures are only adjusting slowly and in subtle ways. On the other hand, agency still matters. Longer-term pressure may mount, as citizens call for further access to justice and state accountability, and a new generation of bengoshi emerge with Law School training in administrative law. </p>

<p>Our paper concludes by outlining some possible lessons from Australia, where legal services to the government were liberalised in 1999. Outside lawyers were also bound to a “<a href="http://www.lawlink.nsw.gov.au/lawlink/lms/ll_lms.nsf/vwFiles/CabinetApp-MLP.pdf/$file/CabinetApp-MLP.pdf">Model Litigant Policy</a>”,  self-regulation by the government to give citizens a “fair go” in their litigation, including for example a <a href="http://www.law.usyd.edu.au/scil/pdf/2009/SCILWP22_Nottage.pdf">commitment to ADR</a>.  It seems perfectly consistent with Japan’s judicial reform project for Japan’s government lawyers to bind themselves already to such a Policy.</p>

<p>Yet Australia also presents a cautionary tale for Japan. Australia is struggling to maintain momentum in improving ADR and access to courts both for firms (eg through <a href="http://blogs.usyd.edu.au/japaneselaw/2009/04/australias_less_lethargic_law.html">arbitration law reform</a>) and <a href="http://ssrn.com/abstract=1370106">consumers</a>. Relatedly, <a href="http://www.theaustralian.news.com.au/business/story/0,28124,25212565-17044,00.html">federal government expenditures on legal services</a> have kept ballooning, to $510 million in 2007-08. Australia should look carefully at the Japanese government's approach both to managing legal expenses and disputes more broadly, as well as reforms to ADR.</p>]]>
    </content>
</entry>

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